Ronald L. Martinez - Dante Between Hope and Despair: = The Tradition of Lamentations in the Divine Comedy - Logos: A Journal of = Catholic Thought and Culture 5:3

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Copyright =A9 2002 The University of St. = Thomas. All=20 rights reserved.

Logos: A Journal of = Catholic=20 Thought and Culture 5.3 (2002) 45-76=20

[Access=20 article in PDF]=20

Dante between Hope and Despair:
The Tradition = of=20 Lamentations in the Divine Comedy

Ronald=20 L. Martinez

DURING THE INTERFAITH SERVICE conducted at the=20 Washington Cathedral September 14, 2001, Rabbi Joshua Haberman = read verses=20 from the book of Lamentations, traditionally attributed to the = prophet=20 Jeremiah. As the book laments the fall of Jerusalem to = Nebuchadnezzar in=20 586 B.C., its choice as a text after September 11 = was=20 highly pertinent; chapter three, from which Rabbi Haberman's = excerpts were=20 taken, offers some of the few expressions of hope in a book that = primarily=20 expresses grief. In addition to the verses read on that occasion, = book=20 three includes a cluster of sentiments that have been widely = shared in the=20 United States as the nation has grappled with the meaning of the = disaster.=20 Americans have felt dismay at the savage blow inflicted by shadowy = enemies, and experienced the problematic reflex desiring that = vindication,=20 even revenge, which a God involved in history might be entreated = to=20 compass on behalf of those believing in Him; but they have also = engaged in=20 anguished speculation on why such a fell stroke was visited upon = the=20 nation, and in some few cases reflected on where our own = responsibilities=20 might lie in provoking such wrath. The text of Lamentations 3 = [End Page=20 45] strikes all these notes: astonishment at the magnitude of = the=20 losses (v. 43-48), penitential sorrow (v. 42), a mixture of doubt = that God=20 may have turned away his face (v. 1-12) with confidence that = divine=20 assistance is forthcoming (vv. 31-33, 56), that vindication will = be=20 secured (v. 64). Such a use of the text of Lamentations to = reflect,=20 filter, and assuage catastrophe has of course a long history; in = this=20 paper I will discuss the use made of Lamentations by Dante = Alighieri, poet=20 and citizen of Florence. Of the special fitness of Dante for = participating=20 in this history there can be little doubt. Of the major long poems = of the=20 Western traditions Dante's Comedy is the most immediately = and=20 concretely embedded in the historical context that accompanied its = composition; for this reason, Dante is perhaps the foremost poet = in the=20 West of a history that is lived and understood as a contest in = progress,=20 an agon in the Greek sense, through which a providential = order=20 struggles to assert itself.=20

In Jewish worship, the fall of Jerusalem to Nebuchadnezzar and = the=20 Babylonians=97as well as the destruction of the city and temple by = the Roman=20 emperor Titus, in 70 A.D.=97are collectively = lamented on the=20 9th of Ab, corresponding to a date in late July or August on the = Gregorian=20 calendar. This was, according to the Talmud, the anniversary of = both=20 destructions of the Temple and the city. ¹ In Dante's day, Christians also = commemorated the=20 fall of Jerusalem: the 9th or 10th Sunday after Pentecost was = "Destruction=20 of Jerusalem Sunday," but was an occasion of mourning only in a = very=20 qualified sense, as for medieval Christians the destruction of = Jerusalem=20 by the Roman legions was held to be divine vengeance for the = crucifixion=20 of Christ by the Jews of Jerusalem, a view Dante explicitly = shared.=20 ² But a liturgy of mourning drawing on = Lamentations=20 was prominent in Catholic liturgy of the late thirteenth century, = as it is=20 still: this is the use of chanted extracts from all five chapters = of=20 Lamentations distributed over the first Nocturns of the Matins = office on=20 Thursday, Friday, and Saturday of Holy week. ³ In close association with the = extinguishing of=20 candles, the service of tenebrae, the chanting of [End = Page=20 46] Lamentations during the deliberately truncated liturgies = of these=20 offices testifies to the mourning of the congregation for the = death of=20 Christ; ⁴ as rendered liturgically, the extracts = also impart a=20 strong penitential theme, as each concludes with a refrain = (adapted from=20 Hosea 1:12) calling on Jerusalem to return to her lord. Another=20 implication of the liturgical use of these extracts is that = certain=20 passages, such as Lam. 1:12=97"O you who pass by, attend and see, = is there=20 any sorrow like unto my sorrow"=97spoken, in the biblical text, by = the=20 personified city of Jerusalem herself=97are, when used as = liturgical verses=20 and responses, clearly understood as spoken by Christ on the = cross: and=20 indeed in late medieval devotional texts on the passion this verse = is=20 typically ascribed to the crucified Christ. ⁵=20

In addition to its prominent liturgical use, the book of = Lamentations=20 had a rich tradition of commentary; for my purposes, this = tradition begins=20 with the great Carolingian revival in the ninth century and = culminates=20 with commentaries by major scholastics of the thirteenth and early = fourteenth centuries=97the Dominicans Albertus Magnus, Thomas = Aquinas, Hugh=20 of St. Cher, and the Franciscans John Pecham and Peter John Olivi. = ⁶ In the more elaborate of these = commentaries, the=20 ancient and somewhat daunting practice of uncovering three and = even four=20 distinct levels of meaning in the text of the Bible is applied to=20 explaining the fall of Jerusalem. The first level is historical, = and this=20 is manifested in Jerusalem twice besieged and destroyed, by = Nebuchadnezzar=20 and by the Roman Emperor Titus. Another level of meaning, the = moral,=20 treats Jerusalem as the human soul, alienated from God and = surrounded by=20 hostile enemies (such as the vices, or Satan himself). The = greatest=20 interpretive virtuosity is reserved for the allegorical level, by = virtue=20 of which Jerusalem can represent both Christ, the head, and the = Church,=20 the body of the mystical community of the faithful. To give an = example of=20 all the possibilities: a line such as Lam. 1:12 might be taken as = spoken=20 by the church besieged by enemies=97persecutors or heretics; or it = might be=20 taken as spoken by Christ, suffering on the [End Page 47] = cross; or=20 it might be taken as spoken by the Synagogue, the rejected faith = community=20 in the medieval Christian view. In this case the allegorical and = the=20 historical sense would coincide, as the destruction of the Temple = and a=20 diaspora of the Jewish people did in fact ensue upon the Roman = siege of 70=20 A.D.=20

And there is a fourth level of meaning that medieval = interpreters=20 discerned as implied by Lamentations: this is the so-called = anagogical=20 meaning, which means that it concerns the transition from this = life to the=20 next. This meaning can be found by expanding the frame of = reference and=20 juxtaposing the sorrowful book of Lamentations to its opposite = number=20 among poetic texts of the Bible: the Canticle of Canticles. If, = these=20 interpreters reasoned, Lamentations furnishes sorrowful dirges = suited to=20 life in this "vale of tears," the nuptial songs of Canticles = suitably=20 accompany the joy of restoration, after bodily death, to the = homeland of=20 heaven. The implication of this view for the personified = Jerusalem=20 is that however desperate her present case, she can hope for a = future=20 reconciliation with her Spouse=97which, in the standard = interpretation of=20 the Song of Songs, was of course none other than Christ. ⁷ What is suggestive about this dimension of = the=20 meaning of Lamentations is that it generalizes the text into a = theory of=20 all mortal life on pilgrimage toward its final destination: and = this=20 generality makes it peculiarly suitable for adaptation to Dante's = poem of=20 a pilgrim on a journey from the sorrows of the present life to the = joys of=20 heaven; or as it is put in the poem, from the fractious city of = Florence,=20 corrupted by pursuit of the almighty florin, to "a people just and = hale"=20 (Paradiso 31.39).=20

For this and for other reasons that will presently emerge, = Dante's=20 interest in the text of Lamentations was lifelong. He might well = have=20 wished it otherwise, for his uses of the book mark the profound = private=20 and public tragedies of his life. Three examples will graph this = trend.=20 When about thirty years old, Dante wrote the Vita nova, or = "New=20 Life," a prose narrative, including carefully ordered lyric poems, = about=20 the dramatic effects on his life resulting from his [End Page = 48]=20 youthful encounter with Beatrice. When Beatrice died on 8 June = 1290, Dante=20 marked her death in his book with a citation of Lam. 1:1, "How = doth the=20 city sit solitary, she that was full of people; how is the = mistress of=20 provinces become as a widow." The announcement is especially = dramatic in=20 that it interrupts the composition of a poem already in progress = and=20 reorganizes how the book is put together from that point forward: = in=20 short, the book is subjected to a shake-up of its arrangement = proportional=20 to the impact of Beatrice's death on the author. ⁸ Not many years later, probably about 1305, = when=20 Dante had been in exile from Florence for several years, he wrote = an ode=20 in which the abstract figure of Justice is personified as a woman = in=20 abject mourning, cast out from the city that had unjustly = condemned the=20 poet and forced him into exile: again the text of Lamentations = nourishes=20 the poet's inspiration. ⁹ Late in life, in 1314, Dante again turned = to the=20 first line of Lamentations to begin a letter to a group of six = Italian=20 cardinals preparing to elect a new pope after the death of Clement = V. In=20 this letter, Lam. 1:1 announces not the poet's sorrow for = Beatrice, but=20 for the state of the Church. In 1314 Dante found himself = contemplating a=20 Rome deprived of both chief sources of authority, the Holy Roman=20 Emperor=97who had died suddenly in 1313 when attempting to = reassert his=20 authority in northern Italy=97and the pope, who in the person of = Clement V=20 had vacated Rome in 1305 and installed himself in Avignon, in = southern=20 France, by 1308, sending the Church into what many felt was a new=20 Babylonian captivity. Such a Rome, deprived of both her spouses, = had thus=20 assumed the role of widowed Jerusalem. As Dante puts it in his = Latin=20 letter, she was "destitute of both her lights," and I do not think = it=20 forced to see in this phrase the image of a head=97Rome was after = all=20 caput mundi, the head of the world=97with both its eyes put = out.=20 ¹⁰=20

Beyond the relevance of Lamentations to a world where, from = Dante's=20 perspective, authority had been tragically and unjustly withdrawn = from=20 Rome, there are at least two additional reasons why [End Page = 49]=20 Dante=97as a poet, as an admirer of ancient Rome, and as a son of = the=20 Church=97might have been interested in representing his experience = through=20 the text attributed to Jeremiah. First: as I mentioned earlier,=20 Lamentations is a series of dirges; in fact, from the Glossa=20 ordinaria of the twelfth-century Renaissance to the = Scholastics, the=20 text of Lamentations was presented not just as a collection of = sorrowful=20 canticles, but as an exhaustive treasury of poetic and rhetorical = devices=20 that could be used to move an audience to both pity and furious=20 indignation. These devices were labeled and listed using = terminology=20 straight out of the rhetorical manuals of antiquity, such as = Cicero's=20 De inventione: in the examples I gave above from the text, = the=20 personification, rather prosopopeia of the widow Jerusalem = and her=20 address, or rather apostrophe of witnesses, are precisely = instances=20 of these devices. ¹¹=20

The second reason Dante had Lamentations in mind when he began = to make=20 his reputation as a writer after Beatrice's death, is that with = the fall=20 of Acre, the last Christian outpost in Palestine, to the Mamluk = Sultan=20 Al-Ashraf in 1291, public laments for Jerusalem and the Holy Land, = in the=20 form of papal bulls, royal edicts, proposals for crusade, crusade=20 excitatoria, and lyric poetry, returned in force to = European=20 discourse. ¹² Growing up, Dante would have heard of = the=20 short-lived capture of Damietta, in Egypt, by King Louis IX of = France in=20 1249, and later of the disastrous Eighth Crusade, led again by = Saint=20 Louis, which culminated with his death at Tunis in 1270. It is = even=20 possible that Dante associated the first anniversary of the death = of=20 Beatrice, that is, 8 June 1291, with the news of the fall of Acre, = besieged in May and June 1291, although news of its capture could = not have=20 reached Italy until some weeks later, even carried by the quickest = of=20 Venetian galleys. At which, according to the chronicler Ludolph of = Suchem,=20 the entire Christian Mediterranean littoral went into deep = mourning for=20 decades, ¹³ while the anonymous contemporary = chronicle de=20 excidio Acconis, although sharply critical of the failures of=20 leadership that led to loss [End Page 50] of the city, = concluded by=20 lamenting it in terms drawn from Lamentations and Baruch. ¹⁴ Dante's personal loss of Beatrice was = thus=20 reflected on a world scale with the loss of the Holy Land: private = and=20 public grief, the sorrows of Florence and those of all = Christendom, were=20 part of a continuous fabric.=20

But if the text of Lamentations marked Dante's great = disappointments=97as=20 the devotee of Beatrice, as a citizen of Florence, as a subject of = the=20 Empire, and as a son of the Church=97it is also clear that these = moments of=20 crisis and near-desperation, when the very design of Providence = seemed to=20 be unintelligible if not absent, also functioned as challenges to = ever=20 more ambitious trials of the poet's art in order to realize his = vision of=20 how the world ought to be governed. I will now consider three = episodes=20 from Dante's masterwork, the Comedy, in which the text of=20 Lamentations plays a significant role. The first of these, from = the=20 Inferno, is the depiction of Maometto among the sowers of = discord=20 and schism; since he is a defamatory caricature, I will use = Dante's=20 Italian name for him to distinguish him from the historical = Muhammad.=20 ¹⁵ By speaking words from Lamentations, = Maometto=20 comes to personify the historical Jerusalem as defeated and = enslaved by a=20 rival (and, in medieval Christian terms, spurious) religion, and = so=20 consigned to Hell. My second instance is from the = Purgatorio, the=20 second part of the Comedy, where in a rhetorically charged=20 digression, Dante mourns the violence and chaos of contemporary = Italy:=20 here the words of Lamentations characterize the perilous state of = Italy,=20 Rome, and Florence. In my final example, from Dante's allegorical=20 biography of St. Francis in the last part of the poem, the=20 Paradiso, I will suggest why Francis's dearly beloved, Lady = Poverty, herself yet another manifestation of the widow of = Lamentations,=20 is a key to Dante's acceptance of a world changing, as he saw it,=20 dramatically for the worse=97a world in which only the example of = Francis's=20 austere love of poverty seemed to hold promise for reform and=20 transformation. For Dante, Francis becomes the definitive, though = by no=20 means facile, example of how to sweeten the uses of adversity. = [End=20 Page 51]=20

We need not spend much time demonstrating that Dante's Hell can = be=20 thought of as built in the image of the reprobate Jerusalem, = guilty of=20 rejecting her Savior's call to repentance. That Dante may even = have=20 thought of his Hell as, in a sense, captive to the Saracen enemy = is=20 strongly suggested by the fact that, as Virgil, Dante's guide, and = the=20 pilgrim, Dante's protagonist, approach the walls of the lower city = of=20 Hell, the pilgrim turns to his guide and comments: "Master, = already I=20 discern its mosques there clearly within the moat"(Inf. = 8.70-71).=20 Even before this, the very first impression the reader receives of = the=20 infernal city is provided by the notorious inscription over = Hellgate:=20 "Through me the way into the grieving city"(Inf. 3.1). In = Italian,=20 this text, with its mention of "la citt=E0 dolente," is verbally = strongly=20 reminiscent of personified Jerusalem, who asks us in Lam. 1:12 to = see if=20 there "is any sorrow like unto my sorrow? [est dolor sicut = dolor=20 meus]". Even the menacing conclusion of the inscription, = "abandon=20 every hope, you who enter," seems to recall the address, from that = same=20 verse, of"all you who pass by." With such verbal and architectural = framing=20 of Hell in terms of the Lamentations text, it does not then = surprise to=20 find close paraphrases of two verses, Lam. 1:11 and 1:12, in canto = 28 of=20 the Inferno, which Dante reserved for explicit = identification of=20 the legal principle determining punishment in his Hell: the=20 contrapasso, or counter-suffering, sometimes described as = Dante's=20 principle of poetic justice, by which the punishment is made to = fit the=20 crime. ¹⁶ It is to that canto that my argument now = turns.=20

Deep in Hell, among the worst of the fraudulent, Dante places = the=20 sowers of discord and schism. After a long opening description in = which=20 the poet renounces his ability to account in prose or verse for = the heaps=20 of lacerated bodies that he sees, Dante enumerates five specific = sowers of=20 discord, beginning with a defamatory portrait of Maometto:=20

    Surely a barrel, = losing centerpiece or half-moon, is
not so broken as one I = saw torn=20 open from the chin
to the farting-place. [End Page = 52]=20
    Between his legs dangled his = intestines; the=20 pluck
was visible, and the wretched bag that makes shit =
of what=20 is swallowed.
    While I was all = absorbed in=20 the sight of him, he,
gazing back at me, with his hands = opened up=20 his
breast, saying: "Now see how I spread myself!=20
    See how Maometto is torn open! Ahead = of me=20
Al=EC goes weeping, his face cloven from chin to =
forelock.=20
    And all the others you see here were = sowers=20 of
scandal and schism while they were alive, and =
therefore are=20 they cloven in this way.

(Inf. 28.22-36) = ¹⁷

The image of a broken container, a barrel, to describe the = human body=20 cut asunder and spilling its contents, are poetic devices for = registering=20 religious schism as the division of what should be united and = whole. This=20 view of Maometto as a schismatic arose among Christian polemicists = who=20 constructed for Muhammad a fictitious identity as the disciple of = a=20 Nestorian Christian monk, thus a heretic; and as a belligerent = seeker for=20 power who exploited religious ideas cynically, thus a fraud. Even=20 well-informed Christians, such as Peter the Venerable, Abbot of = Cluny in=20 the mid-twelfth century, who had overseen an ambitious project of=20 translating Arabic sources for both polemical and evangelizing = purposes,=20 saw in the expansion of Islam not merely a military and cultural = threat=20 but a schismatic division of the body of the Christian faithful. = ¹⁸=20

Dante's portrait reflects these slanders and misconceptions. It = is=20 however also historically grounded in that it is couched in the = language=20 of crusading warfare, after all the chief manner in which = Christian Europe=20 had encountered Islam, from the reconquista in Spain to the = Crusades in Palestine. In Dante's canto, a number of details are = drawn=20 from the twelfth-century southern French poet Bertran de Born, the = fifth=20 and last of those Dante names. Bertran's poetry celebrates the=20 heavy-mounted warfare used by crusading [End Page 53] = knights,=20 including the use of the broadsword, notorious in crusader epics, = such as=20 the Song of Roland, for its ability to cut an opponent in = half from=20 crown to fork.=20

Maometto=97and Al=EC, his cousin and son-in-law and eventual = successor as=20 the fourth of the caliphs=97thus bear wounds to body and head = respectively=20 that are meant to remind readers of the crusading warfare = orchestrated by=20 Christendom in response to the reconquest of Jerusalem by Islam. = These=20 wounds, which in Dante's canto are dealt by an avenging demon = wielding a=20 large sword, represent God's own specific punishment, or=20 contrapasso, for the worldwide schism supposedly introduced = by=20 Islam: putting the founder of Islam to the sword probably also = reflects=20 the Christian view that Islam was a religion devoted to conquest = with the=20 sword. ¹⁹ But like so much in Dante, we can read=20 considerably more in the hideous spectacle of Maometto's = evisceration. He=20 also recalls the death of Judas, the archtraitor, whose "bowels = gushed=20 forth," according to the Gospel text (Acts 1:18), when he hanged = himself=20 following the betrayal of Christ, an important parallel to which I = will=20 return. At a deeper level, Maometto's body probably also recalls, = but in a=20 negative, inverted form, what for Christians were positive = examples of=20 wounds to the body: those of martyrs, for example, and more = centrally the=20 image of the wounded Christ himself. When Maometto displays his = own=20 viscera as if opening an overcoat, crying out=20

". . . vedi com'io mi dilacco!
vedi = come=20 storpiato =E8 Maometto!"
[Now see how I spread myself =
see how=20 Mohammed is torn open]

he acts out a parody of the language of Christian meditations = on the=20 passion, which describe in detail how Christ's body was = dilatatus,=20 distended, by being placed on the cross. ²⁰=20

For my purposes in this essay, what is significant is that the=20 self-ostentation of Maometto's wound is done in words that echo = the text=20 [End Page 54] of Lamentations. Nor is this the only use of=20 Lamentations in the canto. Dante closely paraphrases Lam. 1:12 = when he has=20 Bertran de Born=97the poet I mentioned just now, and the last of = Dante's=20 five named sowers of schism=97call attention to the spectacular = division of=20 his head from his trunk, which he carries like a lantern. Bertran = says:=20

". . . Now see my wretched punishment, =
you=20 who go still breathing to view the dead: see if
any is great = as=20 this."

(Inf. 28.130-32) =

The echo of Lam. 1:12 is perfectly clear: "Attend and see if = there is=20 any sorrow that is like unto my sorrow." With the invitation to = compare=20 degrees of pain, Bertran's verse also ties the end of the canto to = its=20 beginning, where Dante had said that he could not give an adequate = account=20 of the ghastly accumulation of bodies=97and this suggests how = fundamental=20 Lam. 1:12 is for the whole canto.=20

But to get back to Maometto's echo of the Biblical text: it is = to the=20 verse that immediately precedes Lam. 1:12, Lam. 1:11, which is as = follows:=20

Vide, domine, et considera, quia facta = sum=20 vilis.
[See, O Lord, and consider, for I am become vile.] =

As I already pointed out, Lam. 1:12 is among the first verses = of=20 Lamentations that medieval readers thought spoken by the = personified=20 figure of widowed Jerusalem. But in fact the very first verse = actually so=20 spoken is the preceding one, Lam. 1:11. Precisely there the change = of=20 voice occurs, from that of the lamenting prophet to that of the=20 personified lamenting city. ²¹ Dante's version replaces the phrase "I = am become=20 vile" by the even stronger storpiato, which literally means = mangled=20 and deformed, a usage that underscores with particular force the = brutal=20 desecration of Maometto's image and memory; in allegory, the = abjection of=20 the city enslaved by the enemy. But if we can say with some = confidence=20 that Dante's Maometto allegorically takes on the voice of a = fallen,=20 infernal Jerusalem, this identification [End Page 55] can = be=20 deepened and confirmed with a specific historical parallel that = again=20 embroils us in the violence of the Crusades.=20

For Dante's milieu, the most complete and important historical = account=20 of the Roman siege of Jerusalem in 70 A.D. was that = of=20 Flavius Josephus's Jewish War. While Josephus's account was = already=20 tendentious because of its notoriously apologetic treatment of = Roman=20 motives, some Christian retellings of Josephus's history added a = detail=20 intended to further increase both the suffering and the = culpability of the=20 besieged Jewish population. ²² This is the assertion that Jews fleeing = the city,=20 which was torn by factions as well as surrounded by the Romans, = swallowed=20 their gold in hopes of avoiding losing their wealth as they = escaped. But,=20 the story goes, Syrian troops among the Romans were on to the = trick, and=20 cut open the bellies of the escapees from the city in order to = pluck the=20 gold "even from among the flowing wastes of their bowels." ²³ This lurid, defamatory episode was = retained and=20 adapted by Christian Crusade chroniclers describing the fall of = Jerusalem=20 to the crusaders in 1099, attributed not of course to escaping = Jews, but=20 to the Islamic population. The chronicle of the First Crusade = written by=20 Fulcher of Chartres gives the following account, which may also = have=20 suggested Dante's presentation of the gruesome effects of schism = as a=20 series of ghastly spectacles:=20

And you would have seen something = amazing,=20 when some of our poorer squires and footsoldiers, knowing the = tricks of=20 the Saracens, cut open their bellies when they were dead, so = that they=20 might remove the gold coins from their intestines, which their = loathsome=20 jaws had swallowed when they were alive. ²⁴

In terms of the fierce logic of contrapasso, or=20 counter-suffering, the evisceration of Mahomet closely associates = the=20 founder of Islam with the historical record, such as it was, of = the=20 several conquests of Jerusalem: an emphasis possibly inspired by = the=20 presence of the Lamentations text itself. [End Page 56]=20

The anecdote from the crusading chronicle also adds further = meaning to=20 Dante's depiction, in that the transformation of what is swallowed = into=20 waste serves as a likely figure for the negative transformation of = Christian and Jewish teachings by the heretical Maometto as = claimed in the=20 defamatory biographies. Indeed, a late fourteenth-century = commentator on=20 the Comedy, Benvenuto da Imola, gives a closely analogous=20 explanation of Dante's emphasis on Maometto's digestion, which = presumably=20 absorbed orthodox dogma and transformed it into heretical error. = ²⁵ The emphasis on viscera is given a = different but=20 related interpretation by one of the early commentators on Dante's = poem,=20 Fra Guido da Pisa, writing only a few years after the poet's = death. For=20 Fra Guido, the focus on the ventral region of Maometto's body = suggests his=20 cutting away of the uterine function of the Church in generating = offspring=20 destined for salvation through baptism. ²⁶ Strikingly, a similar account is given = of the=20 death of Judas in medieval Christian commentary, as Ann Derbes has = recently pointed out, in which the rupture of Judas's belly = (described as=20 both venter and uter, womb) is designed to contrast = with the=20 divine fertility of Mary's virginal body=97in this way closing the = circle of=20 iconographic suggestions offered by Dante's grisly portrait. = ²⁷=20

In assessing this kind of polemical ingenuity, we must not=20 underestimate the depth of Dante's loathing for his caricatured = Maometto,=20 nor attempt to palliate the extent to which Dante, along with = virtually=20 all Christendom, was prepared to brutally revile the founder of a = religion=20 and a nation that had historically threatened the Christian West. = There is=20 a sense, however, in which the ferocity of the representation has, = for=20 Dante, a local origin: by this I mean that behind the distorted = image of=20 Maometto stands the longstanding and exquisitely Florentine = tradition of=20 the willfully defamatory portrait=97and here I use the term = literally,=20 rather than figuratively=97which was a kind of visual malediction = or curse=20 designed to heap opprobrium on, indeed literally expel, the = designated=20 enemies of the community. And it comes as perhaps no surprise that = the=20 visual logic [End Page 57] guiding these portraits often = followed=20 the principle of "poetic justice," or contrapasso, that we = have=20 already noted above, as is made explicit precisely in Dante's = canto 28.=20 ²⁸ The application of contrapasso in = Maometto's case is probably the more ironic in that a version of = the same=20 logic is propounded as characterizing the Islamic hell in the = Kitab=20 Al-miraj, known in its medieval Latin translation by = Bonaventura of=20 Siena as the Liber scalae machometi, a text Dante could = easily have=20 read, and which a number of scholars believe influenced the = composition of=20 the Comedy; not only that, one of the groups chosen for = punishment=20 in the Islamic Hell of the Liberscalae are, precisely, = sowers of=20 scandal and schism. ²⁹ The technique of defaming either the = local or=20 exotic adversarial Other in a poetically fitting manner thus had, = for=20 Dante, a strictly native origin, just as medieval Christendom = found itself=20 constrained to understand Islam through the distorting lenses = offered by=20 its own millennial struggles with heresy and schism=97a point made = in=20 Dante's own canto by Maometto's offer of strategic advice to Fra = Dolcino=20 (Inf. 28.55-59), the head of the apostolic brethren finally = reduced=20 to starvation and defeat by crusaders during the winter of 1308 in = the=20 mountains north of Novara, in northern Italy. ³⁰ From Dante's perspective, Maometto's = most=20 prominent continuing role is as a heresiarch who abets schism in = Italy=20 itself.=20

For in the final analysis Dante was probably no more than=20 conventionally interested in the military ambitions of the = Crusades in=20 Outremer, beyond the sea. He unquestionably shared the = widespread=20 desire of fourteenth-century Christian Europeans to recuperate the = Holy=20 Land as the legitimate feudal inheritance Christ had won by his = sacrifice,=20 as the contemporary justification for taking up the cross was wont = to put=20 it. But Dante's constant and pressing concern was the state of = Italy and=20 of Florence, torn by factional warfare between Guelphs and = Ghibellines,=20 that is, between supporters of the papacy and supporters of = Imperial=20 authority, a conflict that, in Dante's historiography, dated back = to the=20 early years of the thirteenth century [End Page 58] and = that had=20 also led to his own painful separation from his native city. For = this=20 reason, Dante also includes in his canto of the schismatics Mosca = de'=20 Lamberti (28.103-11), universally reviled by Florentines as having = caused,=20 with a violent murder, the outbreak of factional strife in the = city. In=20 fact, Dante's chief interest in crusading was polemical and = negative: this=20 was his explicit disapproval of its use as a papal instrument = against=20 Christian political enemies, such as the followers of the Imperial = party,=20 as had been done by Pope Boniface VIII in prosecuting attempts to = regain=20 Sicily, seized in 1282 by the Aragonese from the Pope's French = allies, the=20 Angevin house of France. This is why, although the battle imagery = and=20 biblical language of canto 28 evokes crusading warfare in the Holy = Land,=20 all the battles Dante names in the list at the beginning of the = canto=20 (28.1-21)=97from those between the Trojans and Latins to those = involving=20 Frederick II, Manfred, and Conrad of Hohenstaufen, defenders of = the=20 Imperial cause during the generation before Dante's birth=97were = fought in=20 Italy: all the blood spilled had been spilled on Italian soil. So = it is to=20 the specifically Italian embodiments of afflicted Jerusalem in the = second=20 part of Dante's poem that I now turn.=20

The heaping up of the dead in Italian wars so graphically = displayed in=20 Inferno 28 is recalled in the fifth and sixth cantos of the = Purgatorio. As the first day in Purgatory draws to a close, = the=20 pilgrim, Dante's protagonist, arrives at an agreeable mountain = valley=20 where he will eventually spend the night. Like the rest of the = groups the=20 reader meets during the first day of the journey up the = mountain=97including=20 souls who have been excommunicated, or have just been lazy in = pursuing=20 their salvation, or delayed repentance to the last moment=97the = inhabitants=20 of the valley are in some way negligent: in this case, sovereigns = who have=20 failed to safeguard the peace and safety of their subjects. The = list of=20 irresponsible rulers begins with emperors and winds down to = marquesses and=20 counts. As Dante's pilgrim approaches this valley he is surrounded = by=20 persons whose violent [End Page 59] deaths had cut off = their chance=20 to repent, thus increasing the length of their stays in Purgatory = but also=20 testifying to how civil violence can retard progress toward = salvation=20 (Purg. 5.1-24). This gauntlet of victims also furnishes the = occasion for what, if intensity of language is any indication, is = probably=20 the most heartfelt plea Dante ever made for a providential = intervention in=20 Italian affairs, and his sharpest reproach to the movers and = shakers of=20 the world for having refused to become instruments of such = intervention.=20 Strolling in this valley of negligent rulers, Dante and Virgil = meet=20 Sordello, an Italian from Mantua who wrote in the poetic idiom of = southern=20 France known as lingua d'Oc, or old Proven=E7al. When = Sordello asks=20 the wayfarers of their origins, Virgil answers that he is from = Mantua, and=20 Sordello rushes to embrace him merely because both are natives of = the same=20 city. At this demonstration of spontaneous civic fraternity, the = narrator=20 is overcome with both admiration and chagrin:=20

    . . . and my = sweet=20
leader began: "Mantua . . ." and the shade, all
gathered = in=20 itself,
    rose toward him from the = place where=20 it had been,
saying, "O Mantuan, I am Sordello from your = city!"=20
and each embraced the other.
    Ah, = slavish=20 Italy, dwelling of grief, ship without a
pilot in a great = storm, not=20 a ruler of provinces, but a
whore! =
    That=20 noble soul was so quick, merely for the
sweet sound of his = city, to=20 make much of his fellow-
citizen there;=20
    and now in you the living are not = without=20 war,
and of those whom one wall and one moat lock in, each =
gnaws=20 at the other.

(Purg. 6.73-85) =

Speaking as the narrator and not as the character, Dante then = assigns=20 responsibility for Italian civil wars directly to the Holy Roman = [End=20 Page 60] Emperors-elect, who had abandoned Italy; he addresses = Albert=20 of Hapsburg, who like his father Rudolf of Hapsburg had been = elected Holy=20 Roman Emperor but had never come to Rome to be crowned, and he = further=20 warns the unnamed "successor" of Albert, who was to be Henry VII = of=20 Luxembourg, to take fair warning from the future deaths of = Albert's son=20 and of Albert himself, who was murdered by an assassin. = Considering the=20 following passage, it is important to realize that Dante is = writing in=20 about 1312, after the foretold events have taken place, but = that=20 the journey narrated in the poem is fictionally occurring in 1300, = before the events have taken place:=20

    O German Albert, = who=20 abandon her, so that she
becomes untamed and wild, while you = should=20 mount
between her saddle-bows, =
    may just=20 judgment fall from the stars onto your
blood, and let it be = strange=20 and public, so that your
successor may fear it!=20
    For you and your father, held fast = by your=20 greed
for things up there [on earth], have suffered the = garden=20
of the empire to be laid waste.

(Purg. 6.97-106) =

The entire outburst, seventy-six lines long=97exactly half the = canto, and=20 beginning exactly at the halfway point=97is technically a = digression; in=20 terms of medieval literary genres, it mixes satire and lament, a = hybrid=20 lyric form that writers in Old Proven=E7al, like Sordello himself, = had=20 brought to a high level of refinement. We know Dante's outburst is = a=20 lament because it begins with a vivid expression of pain=97Ahi; = and like the=20 interruption of the Vita nova at Beatrice's death, the = sudden=20 interruption of the narrative and the narrator's indulgence in a = long=20 digression alert us to the poet's special investment in the = passage. As=20 the poet laments the state of Italy, he harnesses no less than = three times=20 the language of biblical lamentation: [End Page 61] once to = address=20 "slavish Italy, no longer mistress of provinces, but a = whore"=97which again=20 echoes the first verse of Lamentations, "the princess of provinces = is made=20 a tributary"; once to address Rome, whom he compares to an = abandoned=20 widow, as again, in Lam. 1:1: "how the mistress of the Gentiles is = become=20 as a widow"; and once to address Florence, the object of Dante's = withering=20 irony as he concludes the digression (Purg. 6.127-51). = ³¹=20

But it is real human agents, not literary figures of speech, = who earn=20 Dante's most sharply focused scorn: the emperors Rudolf of = Hapsburg and=20 Albert, his son, who lacked the courage to come and take Italy in = hand.=20 Using traditional metaphors of governance derived from = horsemanship and=20 navigation, Dante chastises their failure to have taken up the = reins of=20 the untamed horse that is Italy, or the tiller of the ship of = state. The=20 highest rhetorical pitch, however, is reserved for another = borrowing from=20 the Biblical text: addressing the negligent Emperor Albert, Dante = includes=20 yet another apostrophe=97giving us apostrophe twice over, one = within the=20 other=97this time spoken by Rome personified, who calls out to the = absent=20 Emperor:=20

    Come and see = your=20 Rome, which weeps widowed
and alone, and day and night calls = out:=20 "My Caesar,
why do you not keep me company?"=20
    Come and see how the people love = each other!=20
And if no pity for us moves you, come to be
ashamed at = your=20 reputation.
    And if it is permitted = me, O=20 highest Jove, who
were crucified on earth for us,
are = your just=20 eyes turned elsewhere?
    Or is it a=20 preparation that in the abyss of your
counsel you are = making, for=20 some good utterly
severed from our perception?=20
    For the cities of Italy are all = filled with=20 tyrants . . .

(Purg. 6. 112-24) = [End Page=20 62]

As many readers will immediately recognize, the language, = including the=20 emphatic use of apostrophe and personification, derives in part = from=20 Lamentations, where the city is she who "sits solitary. . .. she = is become=20 a widow" and in part from the Song of Songs, where the bride calls = out to=20 her bridegroom in desire: "arise, my love, my beautiful one, and = come"=20 (Canticles 2:10). As I noted earlier, the two books were = coordinated in=20 Lamentations commentary; they were also coordinated, as it = happens, in=20 Imperial propaganda, including Dante's own examples of it, in = which the=20 Emperor was thought to be the ideal bridegroom of Rome, the bride. = ³² This idea of the relationship of the = sovereign to=20 his state or city went back to the time of Charlemagne and was to = persist=20 through the Renaissance. ³³ In Dante's use, however, the pathos of = Rome's=20 appeal is raised yet another power, however: Rome's words = upbraiding=20 Caesar for his absence,=20

"My Caesar, why do you not keep me = company?"=20
[Cesare mio, perch=E8 non m'accompagni?] =

also echo the voice of Christ calling out from the cross; note=20 especially the persistence of the pronoun, which in these passages = marks=20 not possession, but dispossession:=20

"My God, why have you abandoned me?" =
[Deus=20 meus, ut quid dereliquisti me?]

(Matt. 27:46)=20

A few lines later Dante makes so bold as to wonder if Christ, = who was=20 willing to be crucified for mankind, is any longer paying = attention;=20 perhaps he has turned away, Dante wonders aloud, or perhaps his = purposes=20 are so inscrutable that a mere mortal cannot see into the abyss of = his=20 providential design.=20

Although Dante's language here is in part conventional, we = should not=20 for that reason minimize its importance. In addition to the = uniquely=20 charged rhetoric of this passage, and the fact that it is [End = Page=20 63] the longest single outburst in the poem spoken in the = poet's=20 narrative voice, there are other reasons for thinking that the = anguish=20 suggested here is uniquely heartfelt. The writing, or possibly the = revision, of these cantos was probably contemporary with the = aftermath of=20 the failed expedition of Henry VII to Italy in 1312-1313. This = expedition,=20 the first since the days of Frederick II=97the empire had been = technically=20 vacant for over half a century=97had been Dante's great last hope = for the=20 political reform of Italy; and we know, from letters he wrote = heralding=20 the Emperor's advent, that Dante's enthusiasm had been literally=20 unbounded. But the Emperor, after encountering bitter resistance = from=20 Northern cities such as Brescia, subsequently found himself = checked by=20 Guelph Florence and the forces of Robert of Anjou: both were doing = the=20 bidding of Pope Clement V, who although having originally = sanctioned=20 Henry's expedition, turned coat and conspired to compass Henry's = ruin once=20 he was on Italian soil. ³⁴ When Henry died suddenly of fever at = Buonconvento,=20 near Siena, in 1313, Dante's disappointment, not to mention his = fury at=20 the papal betrayal, were, to put it mildly, very great. An = important=20 reader of this canto, Maurizio Perugi, suggests that the entire = outburst,=20 in its genre of satire-lament and its tone of desolation, = represents=20 Dante's personal funeral plaint for Henry. ³⁵ Be that as it may, it is interesting = that when=20 Dante's son Pietro sat down to write a political poem in the late = 1320s,=20 when the struggle between Pope John XXII and Emperor Ludwig of = Bavaria=20 suggested this same sad history might be repeating itself, he = quoted=20 liberally from Dante's lines in canto six, wondering if God had = ceased to=20 discipline popes and prelates who usurped the temporal authority; = as if to=20 mark that he lacked any sympathetic human auditor, Pietro = addressed his=20 poem at the outset to God; by the end, he fears the mockery of = unbelievers=20 who witness God's abandonment of Italy: "Where is your God, o = Christian=20 people? (cf. Ps. 79:10). ³⁶ It was lines from Dante's great = digression, too,=20 that Renaissance Italians quoted when complaining of the French = and=20 Spanish invasions of [End Page 64] Italy in the sixteenth = century,=20 ³⁷ and that Italian patriots=97looking = forward to=20 independence from a position of political servitude=97intoned to = themselves=20 like a mantra during the Italian risorgimento of the = eighteenth and=20 nineteenth centuries.=20

The digression in Purgatorio canto six thus constitutes = the=20 nadir of Dante's political despair. There is an implicit equation = of the=20 mourning over the absent Emperor Henry VII with a profound anxiety = over an=20 absent or unresponsive Providence, and of the voice of desolate = Rome with=20 the voice of the poet himself. That Dante's voice simultaneously = adopts=20 the voice of the Bridegroom during his moment of human weakness on = the=20 cross, and the voice of the bride of Canticles consumed with = desire for=20 her spouse=97who does not yet come=97is what perhaps gives this = line its great=20 suggestiveness as an expression of desolation and dispossession.=20

After the failure of Henry VII's expedition no comparable = opportunity=20 presented itself during the poet's lifetime that could reasonably = promise=20 a positive transformation of Italian politics. Dante did not of = course=20 cease to take an interest in politics, however; we now know that = his great=20 political tract in defense of secular world-government, the=20 Monarchia, was written as late as 1317 or 1318, after the=20 Paradiso, the last part of the Comedy, was well = underway,=20 and probably written to buttress the claims of Can Grande della = Scala, the=20 lord of Verona and Dante's then patron, to the imperial vicarage, = an=20 office that Pope John XXII had forbidden him from taking up. It = was in all=20 likelihood this political function of the treatise that some ten = years=20 later, in 1329, earned Dante's Monarchia a refutation by = the=20 Dominican Fra Guido Vernani, and that motivated the burning of all = discoverable copies; the treatise remained on the Index of = Forbidden Books=20 until 1881. ³⁸=20

Nevertheless, after the failure of the Imperial option Dante's=20 conception of how the world was to be reformed was bound to shift=20 somewhat. It is very striking thatDante's last evocation of the = book of=20 Lamentations in his career is found in the third and last part of = the=20 [End Page 65] Comedy, the Paradiso, in the = poet's=20 account of the life of Francis of Assisi. Traveling through the = planetary=20 spheres, Dante and Beatrice encounter Thomas Aquinas among the = theologians=20 and wise men Dante places in the heaven of the Sun, and it is this = famous=20 Dominican Scholastic who relates the life of Francis of Assisi as = part of=20 a more extensive critique of the decay of both mendicant orders. = In=20 looking to Francis and the mendicant orders for significant reform = of the=20 Church and of Christendom more generally, Dante, of course, had = plenty of=20 company. By Dante's day, however, the controversy between the = relaxed and=20 the rigorist factions=97the zelanti or spirituals=97was = bidding fair to=20 get out of hand. The spirituals held increasingly uncompromising = views=20 regarding Francis's original intentions concerning absolute = poverty; views=20 that included, at the extreme, defiance of the authority of the = papacy to=20 modify the Rule. These were positions with which Dante was = probably=20 sympathetic: after all, Dante identified avarice, acquisitiveness = of=20 temporal possessions, as the besetting evil of both early modern=20 mercantile city-states like Florence and of the medieval Church = and papacy=20 to boot. According to Niccol=F2 Mineo, the period when Dante was = writing the=20 cantos of the Paradiso (10-14) where Francis is discussed = may well=20 have coincided with the crisis that led, in 1318, to the burning = at the=20 stake of a group of Franciscan spirituals who had refused to = submit to=20 papal authority. From this perspective, despite a likely = solidarity with=20 the rigorists regarding the centrality of poverty, Dante's account = of the=20 founder of the order appears to be a counsel of moderation to the = two=20 factions, which Dante characterizes by chastising both Matthew of=20 Acquasparta, general of the order until 1289 and a conventual, and = Ubertino da Casale, the zelante and biographer of Francis = who=20 eventually went so far as to abandon the order entirely. ³⁹ But there is also reason to think that = with his=20 biography of Francis Dante was once again reconstructing his own=20 imaginative grounds for hope during a crisis that threatened to = place the=20 reforming potential of Franciscanism itself in jeopardy. Dante = begins his=20 account of [End Page 66] the two lives of mendicant = founders by=20 recalling that their coming to earth was ordained by divine = Providence, as=20 if answering his question regarding God's level of attention to = earthly=20 affairs in the sixth canto of the Purgatorio; and it is = implicit in=20 the very project of the Paradiso itself that the heavens, = driven by=20 celestial intelligences as they circle above the earth, influence = and even=20 direct, even if they do not determine, what happens here below. In = fact,=20 the sense in which Franciscan ideals replace the hopes for = Imperial reform=20 is quite specific: when Henry VII had entered Italy in 1312, Dante = had=20 written letters in Latin heralding his advent and comparing him to = a=20 rising Sun that would bring comfort to Italy; here in the heaven = of the=20 Sun it is with the image of Francis as the sun rising from Assisi = that=20 Thomas's eulogistic narrative begins (Par. 11.49-54). = ⁴⁰=20

Dante casts the life of Francis in terms of an allegorical = narrative of=20 the courtship between Francis and "the one whom his soul loved," = Lady=20 Poverty. To summarize Francis's whole life in relation to a = personified=20 Lady Poverty was traditional, at least since the Sacrum = commercium=20 Sancti Francisci cum domina paupertate [Sacred commerce of Saint = Francis=20 with lady Poverty]. The Sacred commerce=97English = translators=20 have avoided the direct transposition, but it seems to me exactly = right=97is=20 a text of uncertain date and authorship, but clearly influential; = parts of=20 it were also incorporated into the biographies of Francis written = by=20 Thomas of Celano and Bonaventure during the middle and later = thirteenth=20 century. ⁴¹ The text relates how Poverty, who had = lived with=20 Adam in the garden and kept close company with Christ even to the = point of=20 ascending the cross with him, had lived in neglect and exile since = the=20 days of Constantine the Great, when the war between the Church and = the=20 secular power had ceased; until Francis and his brothers seek her = out and=20 coax her away from her high mountain back to the world of men. The = narrative is thus a figurative way of speaking of how for Francis = the=20 quest for absolute poverty, the "queen of virtues," is the chief = vector of=20 his imitation of Christ and so the dominant motive of his life; = and in=20 this [End Page 67] strong emphasis the Sacrum = commercium is,=20 despite some scholarly skepticism, arguably a direct influence on = Dante's=20 equally single-minded account.=20

As I noted earlier, Thomas begins the biography proper by = speaking of=20 Francis as a sun, rising from Assisi, that has come to give = comfort to the=20 world:=20

    He was not yet = far=20 from his rising, when he began to
make the earth feel some=20 strengthening from his great
virtue; =
    he=20 incurred the enmity of his father, still a youth, for
a = certain=20 lady, to whom no one unlocks the gate of
pleasure, any more = than to=20 death;
    and before the spiritual = court et=20 coram patre [in his=20 = father's
        presence] he = was
joined with her; and then from day to day he loved her =
more.=20
    She, deprived of her first husband, = [Christ]=20 had waited a
thousand years and more, despised and dark, = without=20
invitation, until this man;
. . . nor had it availed her = to have=20 been constant and
fierce in her love, so that, when Mary = stayed=20 below, she
wept with Christ upon the cross.=20
    But so that I proceed not too = obscurely,=20 take Francis
and Poverty for these two lovers now in my = further=20
speech.
    Their love and = admiration and=20 sweet glances caused
their harmony and their cheerful look = to be the=20
occasion of holy thoughts;
    so = much that=20 the venerable Bernard took off his
shoes first, and ran = after such=20 great peace, and, running,
thought himself slow.=20
    Oh unrecognized riches! oh fruitful=20 possession!
Egidio goes barefoot, Silvestro, too, following = the=20
bridegroom, so pleasing was the bride. =

(Par. 11.55-66, = 70-84) [End=20 Page 68]

And at the end of the biography:=20

    When he who = chose him=20 for such good pleased to
draw him up to the reward he = merited by=20 making
himself lowly,
    to his = brothers,=20 as to just heirs, he handed over his
dearest lady, and = commanded=20 them to love her
faithfully;
    and = from=20 her bosom his soul chose to set forth,
returning to its = kingdom, and=20 for his body he wished no
other bier. =

(Par. 11.109-17) =

Dante writes that before her union with Francis, Lady Poverty = had been=20 "despised and dark, without invitation" and "deprived of her first = husband," Christ (though he is not named)=97and this echoes the = language of=20 the Sacrum commercium (or of the subsequent biographies = drawing=20 from it) where Francis is recommending to his brothers an = attachment with=20 the long-despised Lady. With startling, even disturbing rhetorical = effect,=20 Francis presents the prospect of finding and enjoying Lady Poverty = in=20 terms more in keeping with a medieval brigand promising his troops = the=20 spoils of war:=20

Brothers, the espousal with poverty is=20 wonderful, and we may easily enjoy her embraces, for "the = mistress of=20 peoples is become as a widow" and the queen of virtues "is = become=20 contemptible" before all. None in these parts will dare to cry = out, none=20 will oppose us, no one will by right forbid us to have commerce = with=20 her. "All her friends have despised her and have become her = enemies."=20 And when he had spoken this way, all began to walk after Holy = Francis.=20 (Habig, 1557).

We immediately recognize the language of widowed Jerusalem in = Lam. 1:1=20 and .2: three times quoted in the passage I just cited: "the = mistress of=20 peoples is become as a widow"; "she is made vile"; and "all her = friends=20 have despised here, they have all become her enemies." [End = Page=20 69] That, in Dante's account, she has been deprived of her = first=20 husband also reminds us of Lamentations commentary, which identify = the=20 widow as deprived of Christ, but with expectations of a future = return of=20 the bridegroom. So it is that in Dante's allegory, as in the = Sacrum=20 commercium, Francis and his brothers restore the widow's = status as a=20 spouse: and so the second part of the allegorical biography ends = with a=20 flurry of evocations of Canticles, which, allegorically speaking, = are=20 songs of nuptial love exchanged between the Soul and Christ, or = Christ and=20 the Church.=20

Egidio goes barefoot, Silvestro, too,=20 following the
bridegroom, so pleasing was the bride.=20

Which leads to the observation that=97with the exception of = Dante's=20 fictional reunification with Beatrice at the end of the=20 Purgatorio=97it is in the biography of Francis, and = only there=20 in Dante's poem, that we find completed the sequence of sorrow = leading to=20 joy that Lamentations commentators posit as the universal context = of the=20 book. In an Italy where both pope and emperor have abandoned their = Roman=20 bride, only in the life of Francis does a widowed spouse find = again her=20 bridegroom, only in following the poverello are nuptial = rites=20 actually celebrated. Only in Dante's life of Francis are sandals = kicked=20 off in pursuit of the embraces of the bride, in a verse which = Erich=20 Auerbach, in his pathfinding reading of the canto, recognized as=20 scandalous and which approaches the implications of the passage = from the=20 Sacrum commercium I cited above. ⁴²=20

In a way we sometimes come to expect with Dante, then, the use = of the=20 widow of Lamentations is in part governed by the part of the poem = where we=20 find her. In Hell, she is the city conquered by the = adversary=97Satan,=20 Dante's Maometto, take your pick=97given over to God's wrath; in=20 Purgatorio, where penitential and redemptive functions of = the poem=20 overlap, she is, as widowed Rome and Italy enslaved, the civic = community=20 that desires union with the emperor [End Page 70] for the = sake of=20 universal peace, but which feelingly suffers the absence of = legitimate=20 authority; in the Paradiso, she becomes the rigorous, = ascetic ideal=20 of absolute poverty, overwhelmingly desirable precisely because of = her=20 outcast and abject status. She is the loathly lady for whom = Francis=20 sacrifices wealth, family, and when his rigorous imitation of = Christ is=20 crowned by the quasi martyrdom of the stigmata, even bodily = health.=20 Indeed, to my knowledge hitherto unremarked in discussion of = Dante's=20 version is the repeated equivalence between devotion to Lady = Poverty and=20 the embrace of death: some six instances in ninety lines. Francis = comes to=20 succour a Church originally espoused to Christ in the death of the = cross;=20 Poverty herself, Dante's text points out, is about as popular as = death=20 itself, to whom none willingly opens the door of pleasure; and = when=20 Francis is about to die, he has himself placed on the ground, = identified=20 in the text again with the bosom of Lady Poverty, but also,=20 metaphorically, as his bier. If Bernardo and Egidio and Silvestro = run=20 after her embraces, shedding their sandals all the while, Francis = himself=20 finds the quietus of his courtship only when he receives the third = seal,=20 that of the wounds of Christ, and makes of his own body the = embodied Rule=20 of Poverty, the Rule made flesh, sealed with the red seals of = blood.=20 ⁴³ Repeatedly then, in Dante's account the = place of=20 Poverty is the place of bodily death; from this viewpoint, Lady = Poverty is=20 sister to "Sora nostra morte corporale," "sister bodily = death" of=20 Francis's famous Canticle of the Sun. We would be justified in = concluding=20 that this emphasis in Dante's account registers Francis's known = thirst for=20 martyrdom and for the imitation of Christ, which is only fulfilled = with=20 the stigmata signifying death on the cross. But from the point of = view of=20 the poet's biography, commerce with a Lady Poverty whose = alter ego=20 is the widow of Lamentations might appear to be something slightly = different: as an espousal of loss, of mourning. Surveying his life = from=20 the vantage point of 1318, Dante might well have concluded that = his own=20 espousal of mourning had been lifelong. There are of course many = reasons=20 to see a strong identification [End Page 71] between Dante = and=20 Francis. Some are biographical: in Florence, Dante had probably = studied=20 with the Franciscans of Santa Croce; he may have been a member of = the=20 tertiary, lay order of Franciscans; his daughter Antonia became = the=20 Franciscan nun Suor Beatrice; and when he died in Ravenna in 1321, = he was=20 buried in the church of San Francesco. It certainly suggests a = bias. What=20 is probably more important, as Ronald Herzman has argued, Dante = would have=20 seen in the Franciscan virtue of humility the exemplary remedy for = the=20 pride that beset the whole Alighieri clan, as we are reminded = several=20 times in the poem (e.g., Purg. 13; Par. 17). ⁴⁴ An appreciation of Franciscan poverty, = on the=20 other hand, might have helped him better endure the indigence of = exile; if=20 Dante did know the Sacrum commercium, he probably read with = great=20 interest the surprising description of Lady Poverty herself as an = exile,=20 couched in the biblical language describing none other than = wandering=20 Cain: "vaga et profuga super terram" ["a fugitive and a vagabond . = . .=20 upon the earth"] (Gen. 4:12). ⁴⁵ Francis's legacy to Dante thus includes = Lady=20 Poverty as a persistent companion of the poet's exile, and, in her = guise=20 as the widow of Lamentations, his acquaintance with the vocation = of=20 mourning.=20

To be sure, where Francis zealously sought out Lady Poverty, = Dante's=20 poverty was involuntary and much regretted: his vocation of = mourning was=20 not elected, but thrust upon him by circumstances=97by the death = of=20 Beatrice, by his exile, by the death of the Emperor, by the = Babylonian=20 captivity of the church. Still, making virtue of necessity did = become one=20 of Dante's chief strategies for confronting his deep = disappointments.=20 Implicit throughout my essay is the assumption that the chief = virtue Dante=20 made of necessity was his great poem: for if his private and = public life=20 kept coming up as tragedy, he nevertheless had his Comedy = to write,=20 and to use to try and set things right.

Ronald L. Martinez was educated at = Swarthmore=20 College and at the University of Santa Cruz, where he received a = Ph.D. in=20 literature in 1977. Since 1983 he has been associate professor of = Italian=20 at the University of Minnesota; beginning in the fall of 2002 he = will be=20 professor of Italian studies at Brown University. Martinez is = currently=20 collaborating with Robert M. Durling in an edition, with = translation and=20 notes, of Dante's Divine Comedy.=20

Notes

1. See the Encyclopaedia Judaica (New = York:=20 Macmillan, 1972): "Av, 9th of," vol. I, cols. 936-39.=20

2. For "Destruction of Jerusalem Sunday," see = Amnon Linder,=20 "Jews and Judaism in the eyes of Christian Thinkers of the Middle = Ages:=20 The Destruction of Jerusalem in Medieval Christian Liturgy," in = From=20 Witness to Witchcraft, Jews and Judaism in Medieval Christian = Thought,=20 ed. Jeremy Cohen (Wiesbaden: Harassowitz, 1996), 113-23. Dante = points to=20 the providentiality of the destruction of Jerusalem at = Purg.=20 21.82-84 and 23.28-30 and Paradiso 6.91-93 and 7.46-51; it = is=20 clearly a cardinal moment in the poem's historiographical vision.=20

3. For the shape of this liturgy in Dante's day, = see, most=20 usefully, Sources of the Modern Roman Liturgy: The Ordinals by = Haymo of=20 Faversham and Related Documents (1243-1307), ed. S. J. P. Van = Dijk, 2=20 vols. (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1963), 2, 83-88.=20

4. This is brought out by Dante's contemporary = Durandus of=20 Mendes, in his Rationale divinorum officiorum (Naples: = Dura, 1859);=20 see 6.72.6 (512), where the truncation of the offices is = identified as=20 signifying the "widowing" of the community (viduati) by the = death=20 of Christ.=20

5. See, for example, such uses in St. Bernard of = Clairvaux=20 [attr.], Meditatio in Passionem et Resurrectionem Domini = (PL=20 184.744) and the Vitis mystica (PL 184.638) attributed to = St.=20 Bonaventura. For this literature, see Thomas Bestul, Texts of = the=20 Passion: Latin Devotional Literature and Medieval Society=20 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1996).=20

6. For full bibliography, see R. L. Martinez, = "Lament and=20 Lamentations in Purgatorio and the Case of Dante's = Statius,"=20 Dante Studies 117 (1997): 45-88, esp. 72.=20

7. All four of the levels are distinguished = throughout the=20 tradition, from Rabanus Maurus and Paschasius in the ninth century = through=20 Hugh of St. Cher and John Pecham in the mid- and late thirteenth = century.=20 See Martinez, "Lament and Lamentations," 51-54, 74-78.=20

8. This passage, beginning chapter 28 of the = book, has been=20 demonstrated to be the principal articulation of the work in the=20 manuscript tradition; see Guglielmo Gorni in his recent edition of = the=20 Vita nova (Florence: Einaudi, 1996), xxi-xxvii, 166-67.=20

9. For the text and commentary, see Dante's = Lyric=20 Poetry, ed. Kenelm Foster and Patrick Boyde, 2 vols. (Oxford:=20 Clarendon Press, 1967), 1:174-81 and 2:280-93.=20

10. The text of Dante's Epistle XI.21 = reads,=20 "utroque lumine destitutam." See Dantis Alagherii Epistolae: = The=20 Letters of Dante, ed. Paget Toynbee (Oxford: Clarendon Press, = 1966),=20 121-47 (including text and English translation; in Toybee's = numbering and=20 paragraphing, it is Epistle 8.10).=20

11. For the inclusion of Ciceronian rhetoric in = the=20 Glossa ordinaria commentary on Lamentations by Gilbert the=20 Universal, see Beryl Smalley, The Study of the Bible in the = Middle=20 Ages, 2nd ed. (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, = 1964),=20 69-70. The Ciceronian prefaces were retained in many of the later=20 commentaries, including that of Hugh of St. Cher and John Pecham.=20

12. For the proliferation of this literature, = see Maurizio=20 Perugi, "Il Sordello di Dante e la tradizione mediolatina = dell'invettiva,"=20 Studi danteschi 55 (1983): 23-135, esp. 106-23; Crusade = preaching=20 is discussed by Christoph T. Maier, Preaching the Crusade: = Mendicant=20 friars and the cross in the thirteenth century (Cambridge: = Cambridge=20 University Press, 1994) and illustrated in his Crusade = Propaganda and=20 Ideology: Model Sermons for the Preaching of the Cross = (Cambridge:=20 Cambridge University Press, 2000); see also Sylvia Schein, = Fideles=20 Crucis: The Papacy, the West, and the Recovery of the Holy Land,=20 1274-1314 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991), esp. 74-140 = and=20 269-71.=20

13. For an extract from Ludolph of Suchem's = Description=20 of the Holy Land, see The Crusades: A Documentary = Survey, ed.=20 James A. Brundage(Milwaukee, Wisc.: Marquette University Press, = 1962),=20 268-72.=20

14. The de excidio Acconis is discussed = by Sylvia=20 Schein, "Babylon and Jerusalem: The Fall of Acre 1291-1295," in = From=20 Clermont to Jerusalem: The Crusades and Crusader Societies = 1095-1500,=20 ed. Alan V. Murray (Turnout: Brepols, 1998), 141-52.=20

15. To this day, translations of Dante into = Arabic and=20 other languages used in the Islamic world suppress canto 28 as = intolerably=20 offensive in its representation of Muhammad. See the entry "Islam" = in the=20 Enciclopedia dantesca, 5 vols. (Rome: UTET, 1972), 2.=20

16. For the Aristotelian and Thomistic = background to this=20 idea in Dante, see Inferno 28.142 and notes.=20

17. Texts and translations of Dante's = Comedy are=20 from Dante Alighieri, Inferno, trans. by Robert M. Durling, = with=20 Introduction and Notes by Ronald L. Martinez and Robert M. Durling = (New=20 York: Oxford, 1996); from Dante Alighieri, Purgatorio, = trans. by=20 Robert M. Durling, with Introduction and Notes by Ronald L. = Martinez and=20 Robert M. Durling (New York: Oxford, forthcoming October 2002); = and from=20 Dante Alighieri, Paradiso, trans. by Robert M. Durling,=20 forthcoming.=20

18. The Christian treatment of Islam in the = Middle Ages is=20 outlined by Norman Daniel, Islam and the West: The Making of an = Image (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1960). = Representative=20 texts by Peter the Venerable are edited and discussed by James = Kritzeck,=20 Peter the Venerable and Islam (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton=20 University Press, 1964).=20

19. See Kritzeck, Peter the Venerable, = 205, as well=20 as a widely known account like that of Giovanni Villani's = Chronicle=20 (3.8); Peter the Venerable's own writing against Islam was = described by=20 contemporaries as attacks with the "sword of the Word," see = Kritzeck, 204,=20 216. That Al=EC became the titular head of the Shia, or schismatic = branch of=20 Islam, in distinction to the Sunni branch, was in all likelihood = known to=20 Dante; the division is carefully spelled out in Book 19, chap. 21 = of=20 William of Tyre's late twelfth-century account of the First = Crusade, A=20 History of Deeds Done Beyond the Sea, ed. E. A. Babcock and A. = C. Krey=20 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1943), 2:323-25, as well as = in=20 subsequent accounts such as Villani's Chronicle.=20

20. For Christ's body as distensus, see = the=20 Vitis mystica, PL 184.654 and 660; for dilatatus = (said of=20 Christ's offer of charity, as if opening his breast or arms) see = the=20 Sermon on the Seven Last Words of Ernoldus Bonaevallis, PL=20 189.1689.=20

21. See for example the laconic commentary of = Pecham,=20 Expositio threnorum, 617: "Cum hactenus Propheta planxerit=20 civitatem, hic, mutata persona, introducit ipsam civitatem se = ipsam=20 plangentem."[Whereas up to this point the Prophet bewailed the = city, here,=20 with a change of person, the city itself is introduced, lamenting = for=20 itself. (translation mine)]=20

22. I refer chiefly to the text known as = Hegesippus,=20 edited in Migne among the works of St. Ambrose (PL 15) but in fact = an=20 anonymous work; there is a modern edition by V. Ussani, = Hegesippi qui=20 dicitur historiae libri V (CSEL 66, 2 vols). For = discussion of=20 this and other Christian versions of Josephus, see Amnon Linder = and Heinz=20 Schreckenberg, Die Flavius-Josephus-Tradition in Antike und=20 Mittelalter (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1972).=20

23. See Hegesippus 5.24 (PL 15.2169), my = translation.=20

24. See Fulcher of Chartres, A History of the = Expedition to Jerusalem, trans. F. R. Ryan (Knoxville, Tenn., = 1969),=20 122. The anecdote was widespread; it is found also in the = twelfth-century=20 Old French epic on the fall of Jerusalem, La venjance nostre=20 seigneur, vv. 2084-89, 2119-27. See Loyal A. T. Gryting, = The Oldest=20 Version of the Twelfth Century Poem 'La venj=E1nce Nostre = Seigneur' (Ann=20 Arbor, Mich.: University of Michigan Press, 1952).=20

25. Benvenuto's comment is translated in = Daniels, Islam=20 and the West, 192: "all the doctrine which entered = [Muhammad's] mind=20 produced horrible error with which he soiled and infected nearly = all the=20 world."=20

26. "And because he violated the womb of the = Church, he is=20 represented by the author divided in his belly from his chin to = his anus .=20 . ." [my translation]. See Guido da Pisa, Commentary on Dante's = 'Inferno', ed. Vincenzo Cioffari (Albany, N.Y.: State = University of=20 New York Press, 1974), 578.=20

27. The text attributed to Bernard is as = follows:=20 "suspensus crepuit medius: plenus erat venter, et ruptus est = uter." ["and,=20 being hanged, split open in the middle: his belly was filled, and = his=20 bowel burst" (my trans.)], PL 184.753. Uter also denotes = the womb,=20 however. See Ann Derbes and Mark Sandona, "Barren Metal and = Fruitful Womb:=20 The Program of Giotto's Arena Chapel in Padua," Art = Bulletin 80=20 (1998): 274-91, esp. 280-82, 290.=20

28. The defamatory portrait in thirteenth- and=20 fourteenth-century Tuscany and its contrapasso-like logic = are=20 discussed in Samuel Y. Edgerton, Pictures as Punishment = (Ithaca,=20 N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1985), 63-66.=20

29. For the Islamic form of contrapasso, = see the=20 Libro della scala e La questione delle fonti = arabo-spagnole, ed.=20 Enrico Cerulli (Citt=E0 del Vaticano: Biblioteca Apostolica = Vaticana, 1949),=20 201. Parallels with Dante's Inferno, including that with = the sowers=20 of schism, are discussed by Cerulli, 533-36 and by Maria Corti, = "La=20 'Commedia' di Dante e l'oltretomba islamico," Belfagor 50 = (1995):=20 301-14.=20

30. The historical evidence on Fra Dolcino is = surveyed by=20 Rainieri Orioli, Venit perfidus heresiarcha: Il movimento = apostolico=20 dolciniano dal 1260 al 1303 (Rome: Istituto storico per il = medioevo,=20 1988).=20

31. Purg. 6.150, which I do not discuss = here, is=20 "finds no rest," from Lam. 1:3, "nec invenit requiem."=20

32. See Dante's Epistles 5 and 7, which = can be=20 found with English translation in Toynbee, Dantis Alagherii=20 Epistolae, 42-62 and 82-111.=20

33. For its late medieval and early Renaissance = uses, see=20 Gordon Kipling, Enter the King: Theatre, Liturgy, and Ritual in = the=20 Medieval Civic Triumph (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1998).=20

34. For Henry's expedition, see William S. = Bowsky,=20 Henry VII in Italy: The Conflict of Empire and City-State,=20 1310-1313 (Lincoln, Nebr.: University of Nebraska Press, = 1960).=20

35. Perugi, "Il Sordello di Dante," 104-5.=20

36. For Pietro's poem, see Giovanni Crocioni, = Le rime=20 di Piero Alighieri (Citt=E0 di Castello: Lapi, 1903), 47-59.=20

37. Testimonials can be found in Andr=E9 = Chastel, The=20 Sack of Rome, trans. Beth Archer (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton=20 University Press, 1983).=20

38. See Anthony K. Cassell's entry, = Monarchia, in=20 the Dante Encyclopedia, ed. Richard Lansing (New York: = Garland,=20 2000), 616-23.=20

39. The best and fullest account of Dante's = treatment of=20 Francis and Franciscanism are Niccol=F2 Mineo's two essays, "Il = canto XI del=20 'Paradiso': La 'vita' di San Francesco nella 'festa di paradiso,'" = in=20 Lectura dantis metelliana: I primi undici canti del = 'Paradiso,' ed.=20 Attilio Mellone, O.F.M. (Rome: Bulzoni, 1992), 223-320, and = "Ancora su=20 'Paradiso' XII, 106-145," in Miscellanea di studi in memoria di = Silvio=20 Pasquazi, ed. A. Paolella et al, 2 vols. (Naples: Federico = &=20 Ardia, 1994), 2:551-88. For the history of the Order during this = period,=20 see John Moorman, A History of the Franciscan Order from its = Origins to=20 the Year 1517 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1968), esp. 189-204 = and=20 307-19.=20

40. For the Emperor as sun, see Epistle = 5:1-2, in=20 Toynbee, Dantis Alagherii Epistolae, 47.=20

41. There is a recent critical text, Sacrum = commercium=20 sancti Francisci cum domina Paupertate, ed. Stefano Brufani = (Assisi:=20 Porziuncola, 1991). For English translation of this text and the = lives of=20 Francis see St. Francis of Assisi: Writings and Early = Biographies;=20 English Omnibus of the Sources for the Life of St. Francis, = ed. Marion=20 A. Habig (Chicago: Franciscan Herald Press, 1983), including = Sacrum=20 Commercium, or Francis and his Lady Poverty, trans. with = introduction=20 and notes by Placid Hermann O.F.M. (1531-85).=20

42. See Erich Auerbach, "St. Francis of Assisi = in Dante's=20 'Commedia'" in Six Scenes from the Drama of European = Literature=20 (New York: Meridian, 1959), 79-101, esp. 88.=20

43. For this image, see Ronald Herzman, "Dante = and=20 Francis," in Franciscan Studies 42 (1982): 96-114, esp. 99, = 107.=20

44. For Dante's self-reflexive emphases on a = "Franciscan"=20 humility, see ibid., 101, 109-14.=20

45. For the text, see Habig, Omnibus, = 1568-69.

http://0-muse.jhu.edu.opac.sfsu.edu:80/journals/logos/v005/5.3m= artinez.html=20

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Copyright =A9 2002 The University of St. = Thomas. All=20 rights reserved.

Dante between Hope and Despair: The Tradition = of=20 Lamentations in the Divine Comedy

Ronald=20 L. Martinez

Notes

Dante between Hope and Despair:
The Tradition = of=20 Lamentations in the Divine Comedy