Paul A. (Paul Arthur) Cantor - The Uncanonical Dante: = The Divine Comedy and Islamic Philosophy

From: Subject: Paul A. (Paul Arthur) Cantor - The Uncanonical Dante: The Divine Comedy and Islamic Philosophy - Philosophy and Literature 20:1 Date: Mon, 3 May 2004 20:33:49 -0700 MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: multipart/related; boundary="----=_NextPart_000_007C_01C4314D.F0F705A0"; type="text/html" X-MimeOLE: Produced By Microsoft MimeOLE V6.00.2800.1409 This is a multi-part message in MIME format. ------=_NextPart_000_007C_01C4314D.F0F705A0 Content-Type: text/html; charset="Windows-1252" Content-Transfer-Encoding: quoted-printable Content-Location: http://0-muse.jhu.edu.opac.sfsu.edu/journals/philosophy_and_literature/v020/20.1cantor.html Paul A. (Paul Arthur) Cantor - The Uncanonical Dante: = The Divine Comedy and Islamic Philosophy - Philosophy and Literature = 20:1

Copyright =A9 1996 The Johns Hopkins = University Press.=20 All rights reserved.

Philosophy and=20 Literature 20.1 (1996) 138-153

=20

The Uncanonical Dante: The Divine Comedy And = Islamic=20 Philosophy

Paul A. Cantor

Proceedings=20 of the ALSC: II.=20 Dante and the Western Canon

The distorted notions of invisible = things=20 which Dante and his
rival Milton have idealized, are merely = the mask=20 and the mantle
in which these great poets walk through = eternity=20 enveloped and
disguised. It is a difficult question to = determine how=20 far they
were conscious of the distinction which must have = subsisted=20 in
their minds between their own creeds and that of the = people.=20
Dante at least appears to wish to mark the full extent of it = by=20
placing Riphaeus, whom Virgil calls justissimus unus, in=20
Paradise, and observing a most heretical caprice in his=20
distribution of rewards and punishments. =

--Percy Shelley, A Defence of Poetry=20

I

The case of Dante provides an excellent opportunity to open up = the=20 question of the Western canon. In one sense, Dante is the perfect = example=20 of a canonical author. His name is one of the few certain to = appear on=20 anybody's short list of the truly central authors in the Western = literary=20 tradition. But in another sense Dante can be regarded as = uncanonical. In=20 his own day he was widely suspected of being heretical in his = religious=20 views, ¹ and a careful reading of his works does = indeed raise=20 serious doubts about his being the pillar of orthodoxy he is often = taken=20 to be today. ² Out of this interplay between the = canonical and the=20 noncanonical Dante, I hope to show that the issue of the Western = canon is=20 more complicated than either its defenders or its attackers = generally=20 present it.=20

In discussing the issue of the canon, it is important to sort = out at=20 the [End Page 138] beginning what we do and do not mean by = the=20 term. A canonical work may merely be a work that has been accepted = into=20 the literary canon, one that has become a touchstone in the = reading and=20 teaching of literature. But the term canonical can suggest=20 something else, that the work is orthodox and somehow represents a = central=20 authoritative position in Western culture. The word = canonical is so=20 loaded with religious connotations that it is difficult to = separate the=20 relatively neutral first meaning of the term from the loaded = second=20 meaning. Dante is a case in point. When people refer to him as a = canonical=20 author, they usually do not simply mean that he is widely read and = taught.=20 Most discussions of Dante today treat him as representing an = authoritative=20 cultural moment in the Western tradition, as the supreme = embodiment of the=20 medieval mind. Viewed that way, Dante becomes an emblem of = everything=20 contemporary critics of the Western canon bitterly hate and = reject. The=20 reason they feel that they must attack authors like Dante and = displace=20 them from the center of literary study is that these authors have = come to=20 stand for orthodoxy and thus seem to enforce the hegemony of = Western=20 culture.=20

Critics who wish to champion various forms of non-Western = culture have=20 a particular axe to grind with canonical authors like Dante. The=20 contemporary debate over the Western canon seems to be premised on = a sharp=20 opposition between Western and non-Western cultures, as if they = were=20 complete and irreconcilable antitheses, and even wholly unrelated. = One of=20 the principal charges against the Western canon is that it is = Eurocentric,=20 that it remains confined within a narrow orbit of European ideas = and=20 beliefs, thus excluding all other views of the world. A corrolary = of the=20 idea of Eurocentrism is the concept of Orientalism, developed by = Edward=20 Said. ³ Said argues that throughout its history, = the=20 Occident has defined itself in opposition to the Orient, basing = its=20 elevated self-image on a debased vision of the cultural Other. In = Said's=20 argument, the Occident views itself as rational as opposed to an=20 irrational Orient, as emotionally disciplined in contrast to an=20 emotionally uncontrolled Orient, and as masculine over against a = feminine=20 Orient.=20

In medieval Europe the Orient was chiefly represented by the = Muslim=20 world, and one does not have to look far in medieval literature to = find=20 the kinds of orientalist stereotypes about which Said writes. The = French=20 Song of Roland contains excellent examples, but even the = Divine=20 Comedy seems to provide grist for Said's mill. Consider the = portrait=20 of the prophet Mohammad and his nephew Al=EC that Dante gives when = he places=20 them among the schismatics in the Eighth Circle of Hell: [End = Page=20 139]=20

No barrel, even though it's = lost=20 a hoop
or end-piece, ever gapes as one whom I
saw ripped = right=20 from his chin to where we fart:
his bowels hung = between=20 his legs, one saw
his vitals and the miserable sack
that = makes=20 of what we swallow excrement.
While I was all = intent on=20 watching him,
he looked at me, and with his hands he spread =
his=20 chest and said: "See how I split myself!
See = now how=20 maimed Mohammed is! And he
who walks and weeps before me is = Al=EC,=20
whose face is opened wide from chin to forlock."=20

(xxviii, 22-36) ⁴=20

This viciously unsympathetic treatment of these central figures = of the=20 Islamic religious tradition is exactly what Said's theory of = orientalism=20 would lead us to expect in a bastion of the Western canon such as = Dante.=20

But the portrait of Mohammad in the Divine Comedy is an = isolated=20 moment, and wider reading in Dante reveals a surprisingly positive = treatment of figures from the Islamic world. I want to discuss = Dante's=20 debt to Islamic thought in general and to one Islamic philosopher = in=20 particular. ⁵ This may seem like a recondite subject, = one that=20 will lead me away from the center of Dante studies. In many ways = it will,=20 but I hope that I have already suggested its larger importance. = The charge=20 against the Western canon is that it is Eurocentric and works to = exclude=20 all non-Western cultures. No figure is more firmly entrenched than = Dante=20 at the center of the Western canon. What happens if we can show = that Dante=20 displays a secret and even sometimes a not-so-secret sympathy for = and=20 affinity with Islamic thought? Non-Western culture in the very = bastion of=20 Western culture, Dante's Divine Comedy--that is a = remarkable=20 prospect, and one calculated to throw both attackers and defenders = of the=20 canon off balance. Attackers would have to grant that the Western = canon is=20 not as Eurocentric as they have claimed. And defenders of the = canon might=20 have to admit that canonical works are not quite as orthodox as = they often=20 maintain.=20

II

The role of Islamic thought in Dante is a vast topic and has = been=20 extensively debated. In a brief essay, I cannot explore this = subject=20 [End Page 140] systematically and thus will confine myself = to one=20 small facet of it, concentrating on the Limbo episode of the=20 Inferno, one of the most puzzling sections in the entire = poem from=20 a theological perspective. Dante did not invent the notion of = Limbo; the=20 idea emerged in response to a set of theological questions that = troubled=20 many medieval thinkers. Some were disturbed by the thought that = people=20 otherwise virtuous according to Christian standards would end up = damned=20 for all eternity merely because of where or when they were born. = In=20 particular, people born before the coming of Christ were denied = access to=20 the Christian revelation and thus never had the opportunity to = embrace the=20 Christian faith and be saved. Such considerations led to the = development=20 among medieval theologians of the idea of Limbo, a place in = between,=20 neither quite heaven nor hell. In the standard view, Limbo = included two=20 categories: Old Testament worthies who had lived virtuously and=20 anticipated the coming of Christ, along with children who died = before=20 having been baptized (thereby dealing with another troublesome = issue of=20 salvation). ⁶ Thus Dante inherited a concept of Limbo, = but he=20 developed it in a very unorthodox way, choosing to add to the = categories=20 of people admitted to Limbo and shifting his emphasis away from = the=20 traditional areas. ⁷ Above all, he fills Limbo with figures out = of=20 classical antiquity. ⁸ Conventional medieval opinion would lead = us to=20 expect to find that Abel, Noah, Abraham, Moses, and King David = once=20 occupied Limbo, but not Hector, Aeneas, Junius Brutus, Camilla, = and=20 Lucretia as we see in Dante.=20

However heretical Dante's treatment of these virtuous pagans = might be,=20 one could argue that he remains within the larger bounds of = Christian=20 orthodoxy because after all he presents Limbo as a form of = punishment. The=20 figures in Limbo are said to suffer because they feel themselves = deprived=20 of the true God, for Whom they yearn. But here one must read Dante = carefully and follow closely the pattern of his presentation of = Limbo. At=20 first sight, being in Limbo seems painful, but as the canto = proceeds,=20 Dante subtly and quietly starts to modify the first impression we = get of=20 Limbo and to mitigate the punishment embodied there.=20

As Dante enters Limbo, he notes the suffering of the = inhabitants:=20

Here, for as much as = hearing=20 could discover,
there was no outcry louder than the sighs =
that=20 caused the everlasting air to tremble.
The = sighs arose=20 from sorrow without torments, [End Page 141]
out of = the=20 crowds--the many multitudes--
of infants and of women and of = men.

(iv, 25-30)=20

But when we get to the middle of canto iv, the intensity of = suffering=20 in Limbo has evidently diminished. This is how Dante describes his = encounter with the great poets of antiquity:=20

I saw four giant shades approaching us; =
in=20 aspect, they were neither sad nor joyous. =

(iv, 83-84)=20

From initially appearing as a place of sorrow, Limbo now seems = a purely=20 neutral state ("n=E9 trista n=E9 lieta"). ⁹ In the space of fewer than one hundred = lines, Dante=20 appears to contradict himself, and we want to ask him: "Which is = it? Are=20 the figures in Limbo in pain or merely 'neither sad nor joyous'?"=20

This kind of apparent contradiction can be explained as a = deliberate=20 rhetorical strategy on Dante's part, one made necessary by the=20 intellectually represssive climate in which he was writing. During = the=20 Middle Ages, religious heresy was, to say the least, not well = received,=20 and could be punished severely, with excommunication, = imprisonment, and=20 even death. Dante came under suspicion of heretical views during = his=20 lifetime, and at least one passage in the Divine Comedy = shows that=20 he was writing under the shadow of doubts about his piety. ¹⁰ Under these circumstances, if Dante was = intent on=20 putting forth any form of heretical views in the Divine = Comedy, he=20 could not do so openly but had to go about the task very = circumspectly.=20 ¹¹ At the most exposed point in canto iv, = the=20 opening, where his readers are forming their crucial first = impressions of=20 what he is up to, he puts the orthodox among them at ease by = telling them=20 what they want to hear, that he may be offering the virtuous = pagans an=20 alternative to outright hell in Limbo, but they will still be = enduring=20 pain. In the less exposed middle of the canto, Dante reveals that = the=20 great poets of antiquity are not suffering at all in Limbo, but = have=20 achieved a state of emotional equanimity that comports quite well = with the=20 classical idea of greatness of soul they seem to represent. = ¹²=20

Dante's sympathy with and admiration for the virtuous pagans is = even=20 more evident in his treatment of the ancient philosophers in = Limbo, the=20 last group of inhabitants he presents. We learn nothing about = whether they=20 are suffering, only that Aristotle is being honored by the [End = Page=20 142] rest of the company. With everyone from Socrates and = Plato to=20 Democritus and Zeno present, the philosophers are positioned for = an=20 eternity of debating the great issues that divided them. ¹³ Now, for anyone who has ever been stuck = in a late=20 afternoon philosophy seminar, this may seem like precisely the = formula for=20 hell at its most horrific. But from the point of view of the = philosophers=20 themselves, it is difficult to conceive of a situation more = perfectly=20 suited to their wishes than the one Dante grants them in Limbo. In = a=20 famous passage in Plato's Apology, Socrates, faced with the = prospect of death, outlines a view of the afterlife that seems to = be a=20 blueprint for Dante's Limbo:=20

if death is like a journey from here to = another place, and if the things that are said are true, that in = fact=20 all the dead are there, then what greater good could there be = than this,=20 judges? . . . to associate with Orpheus and Musaeus and Hesiod = and=20 Homer, how much would any of you give? . . . To converse and to=20 associate with them and to examine them there would be = inconceivable=20 happiness. ¹⁴

Dante did not read Greek, and it is unlikely that Plato's=20 Apology was available to him in any form of translation. = But he=20 frequently displays knowledge of Plato's works, ¹⁵ and this passage may be a source for = Dante's=20 conception of Limbo. But whether or not Dante had this passage in = mind,=20 the fact is that he punishes the ancient philosophers by placing = them in a=20 situation which Plato had Socrates picture as the greatest reward=20 possible. In that sense, Dante's Limbo points ahead to the = portrait of=20 Hell in a more clearly unorthodox writer, Christopher Marlowe. His = Doctor=20 Faustus tells the devil Mephistopheles:=20

Nay, and this be hell, I'll willingly be damned here.=20
What! Sleeping, eating, walking and disputing? ¹⁶

The portrayal of the ancient philosophers in Limbo seems a very = unorthodox act on Dante's part, as he displays a proto-Renaissance = admiration for a variety of forms of classical virtue. But the = situation=20 seems even odder when we go down the cast of characters in Limbo = and=20 discover that several important Muslim figures are present. Here = Dante is=20 really stretching the idea of virtuous pagans. It is one thing to = put=20 ancient Greeks, Trojans, and Romans in Limbo (though Dante appears = to be=20 the only Christian who did so). All these figures were born before = the=20 coming of Christ, and hence had no opportunity to receive the = [End Page=20 143] Christian revelation, be baptized, and hence be saved. = But what=20 are Muslims doing in Dante's Limbo? By any definition of Limbo, = including=20 the one Dante has Virgil offer (iv, 37), Muslims do not belong. = They were=20 born well into the Christian era, and thus had the opportunity to = become=20 Christians. They cannot offer a geographic excuse, like the man = born on=20 the banks of the Indus River Dante mentions in the Paradiso = who=20 simply lives too far removed from Christian teaching (xix, 70-78). = Then,=20 as now, Muslims lived in close proximity to Christians, many of = them in=20 the Holy Land itself. ¹⁷ In the European Middle Ages Muslims = represented=20 the chief enemies of Christianity, an attitude solidified by = Dante's time=20 by many years of Christian-Muslim conflict in the Crusades. And = who of all=20 people should show up in Dante's Limbo but Saladin, perhaps the = greatest=20 of all the Muslim warriors during the era of the Crusades and the = most=20 successful against Christian forces? To be sure, Saladin was = admired for=20 his nobility and greatness as a warrior by his military opponents = from=20 Christian Europe. But this was the admiration of soldiers for one = of their=20 profession. A theologian is supposed to have different standards = for=20 judging people, and it is most peculiar that Dante chooses to = assign as=20 comfortable a berth as possible in the afterlife to Saladin, the = great=20 warrior against Christianity. ¹⁸=20

The final two figures named in canto iv are also Muslims, two = of the=20 most famous medieval Islamic philosophers, Avicenna and = Averro=EBs. Although=20 both are fascinating figures, I will concentrate on the more = important of=20 the two, Averro=EBs, or Abu al-Walid Muhammad Ibn Ahmad Ibn Rushd, = to give=20 him his full Arabic name. ¹⁹ In canto iv, Dante calls him the man who = made "the=20 great Commentary" ("'l gran comento"; iv, 144), referring to the = many=20 commentaries Averro=EBs wrote on the books of Aristotle. Through = these works=20 Averro=EBs exerted a great influence on the Christian thinkers of = Europe=20 such as St. Thomas Aquinas. But the extent of Averro=EBs's = influence on=20 medieval Christian thought does not mean that he was widely = respected or=20 even accepted in the European Christian intellectual community. On = the=20 contrary, Averro=EBs was probably the most widely condemned = thinker in the=20 medieval Christian world. He was generally regarded as a free = thinker,=20 subversive of all religious orthodoxy, and the term = Averroism=20 became virtually synonymous with atheism in the late Middle Ages = and early=20 Renaissance. ²⁰ The charge of Averroism was one of the = most=20 serious accusations that could be made against a medieval thinker. =

Thus one would think that Dante would have placed Averro=EBs = among the=20 heretics in the Inferno or perhaps among the schismatics = with=20 [End Page 144] Mohammad and Al=EC. ²¹ Instead he places Averro=EBs with the = ancient=20 philosophers Dante greatly admired, thus giving an honored = position to=20 perhaps the most feared and hated thinker in the Christian Middle = Ages.=20 Averro=EBs could not make the excuse that Socrates, Plato, and = Aristotle=20 could make of having been born before the coming of Christ. = Averro=EBs was=20 in fact born in 1126 ad in C. Averro=EBs could not make the excuse = that=20 Socrates, Plato, and Aristotle could make of having been born = before the=20 coming of Christ. Averro=EBs was in fact born in 1126 onored = position to=20 perhaps the most feared and hated thinker in the Christian = Middleen in our=20 general ignorance of Muslim history we try to imagine how in the = Middle=20 Ages ideas from, say, Baghdad could have made it all the way to = Florence.=20 But in fact the Iberian Peninsula was for several centuries one of = the=20 centers of the Islamic intellectual world, and thus Averro=EBs was = virtually=20 Dante's neighbor. ²²=20

Dante was in fact accused of being an Averroist, ²³ and he refers to Averro=EBs directly and = indirectly=20 several times in his writings. Sometimes he speaks of Averro=EBs = approvingly=20 and even cites him as an authority he accepts, sometimes he = appears to be=20 critical of Averro=EBs, but even just to mention him by name was a = daring=20 act in Dante's day. Averro=EBs was most famous, or rather = infamous, for his=20 understanding of the human soul, worked out in terms ultimately = derived=20 from Aristotle, the Possible and the Active Intellects. This = subject is=20 extremely complicated and obscure, ²⁴ deliberately so because of its = dangerously=20 unorthodox implications. At the risk of oversimplifying the = matter, I will=20 concentrate on Averro=EBs's idea of the unity of the Possible = Intellect, his=20 paradoxical claim that all humanity shares a single intellect. The = reasoning behind this strange idea goes something like this: when = we think=20 a rational truth, such as 2 + 2 =3D 4, we all think alike and in = that sense=20 participate in the same intellect. The key corollary of this idea = is that=20 insofar as we participate in the unity of the Possible Intellect, = we also=20 participate in its eternity. Thus Averro=EBs could in effect say = that our=20 souls are eternal by virtue of apprehending eternal truths such as = those=20 of mathematics. In short, Averro=EBs's conception of the Possible = Intellect=20 allowed him to speak of the immortality of the human soul without = implying=20 the survival of the individual soul after death. In talking of the = unity=20 of the Possible Intellect, he was basically coming up with a = notion of=20 species immortality for the human race.=20

The advantage of this understanding of the soul for Averro=EBs = is that it=20 gave him a way of talking publicly about human immortality to = placate=20 religious authorities, while pointing to an esoteric meaning of = [End=20 Page 145] immortality in harmony with his real philosophic = position, a=20 view in which the only true form of immortality is philosophic = thinking.=20 In Averro=EBs's understanding, as individual human beings we die, = but our=20 thoughts may live on. This outcome is especially true for someone = who=20 writes his thoughts down in books, thus making it possible for = later=20 generations to react to them. ²⁵ Indeed, in the realm of the written = word,=20 philosophers can in effect converse with each other over the = centuries, as=20 Averro=EBs did with Aristotle when he wrote his commentaries on = the Greek=20 philosopher's works. That is the sense in which for Averro=EBs = philosophers=20 are immortal, living forever in the disputes to which their works = give=20 rise.=20

I want to stress that I am giving a radically clarified account = of what=20 Averro=EBs meant in his analysis of the soul. To have been as = clear himself=20 about the concept would have defeated his purpose. But despite its = obscurity, the idea of the unity of the Possible Intellect had = great=20 practical and moral implications. If all we have is a form of = species=20 immortality, then the actions or beliefs of individual human = beings have=20 no bearing on whether or not they will achieve eternal life. An = anecdote=20 from an early book on Aquinas shows that as abstruse as = Averro=EBs's=20 doctrine of the Possible Intellect appears to be, somehow it = filtered down=20 to the level of the common man in the European Middle Ages. = William of=20 Tocco reports the case of a French soldier "who was unwilling to = atone for=20 his sins because, as he put it: 'If the soul of the blessed Peter = is=20 saved, I shall also be saved; for if we know by one intellect, we = shall=20 share the same destiny.'" ²⁶ Here we see why orthodox authorities in = both the=20 Muslim and the Christian worlds condemned Averro=EBs, and why both = Albertus=20 Magnus and Aquinas specifically attacked his idea of the unity of = the=20 Possible Intellect. ²⁷=20

Given its importance and notoriety, it is therefore highly = significant=20 that the Possible Intellect is one of the ideas Dante picked up = from=20 Averro=EBs. ²⁸ He refers to it in a significant, though = of course=20 obscure, passage in his political treatise, De Monarchia:=20

it is clear that man's basic capacity = is to=20 have a potentiality or power for being intellectual. And since = this=20 power can not be completely actualized in a single man or in any = of the=20 particular communities of men above mentioned, there must be a = multitude=20 in mankind through whom this whole power can be actualized. . . = . With=20 this judgment Averro=EBs agrees in his commentary on = [Aristotle's] De=20 anima. ²⁹ [End Page = 146]

I cannot overemphasize how daring it was for Dante to refer to = Averro=EBs=20 by name in this passage. In discussing the Possible Intellect he = was=20 dealing with one of the most sensitive and inflammatory subjects = in late=20 medieval thought, and to bring up Averro=EBs explicitly in this = context was=20 to wave a red flag in the face of Church authorities. ³⁰ It was in fact one of the principal = reasons why=20 Pope John XXII had De Monarchia burned in 1329 in Bologna = and the=20 Catholic Church officially placed it on its Index of Forbidden = Books in=20 1554 (it was not removed until the nineteenth century, when the = Averroist=20 scare apparently had blown over). ³¹ Dante employs the idea of the Possible = Intellect=20 precisely in Averro=EBs's sense, suggesting that philosophers form = a=20 community of thought over the centuries, that the gradual = perfection of=20 human thought grows out of a conversation among philosophers over = time. We=20 see now how profoundly appropriate it is that Averro=EBs be placed = in=20 Dante's Limbo. Limbo is precisely an allegorical representation of = Averro=EBs's idea of the Possible Intellect. The eternal = conversation of the=20 philosophers in Dante's Limbo is a metaphor for what Averro=EBs = meant by the=20 immortality of human thought. How far this metaphorical conception = of=20 immortality can be extended throughout the Divine Comedy is = a=20 profound question for the interpretation of Dante.=20

III

I cannot hope to settle the issue of Dante's Averroism, a = subject that=20 has been contentiously debated from his day down to ours. For the = record I=20 should state that the consensus among modern Dante scholars is = that he was=20 not an Averroist. ³² I myself believe that he was, but that = is not the=20 issue here. Our topic is Dante and the Western canon, and for what = I want=20 to show it is sufficient to have established Dante's debt to = Averro=EBs. The=20 importance of a central Islamic philosopher to such a canonical = European=20 author as Dante in my view puts to rest many of the arguments = typically=20 made against the Western canon and especially its supposed = Eurocentrism.=20 Dante was evidently far more knowledgeable about non-Western = authors than=20 many of their champions today. I wonder how many of the critics of = the=20 Western canon have even heard of Averro=EBs, let alone read any of = his=20 works.=20

The case of Dante shows that the simplistic opposition between = Western=20 and non-Western cultures often set up today cannot bear careful = scrutiny.=20 The sequence Aristotle-Averro=EBs-Dante may serve as an emblem of = the=20 complex interactions that have taken place over the [End Page = 147]=20 centuries between Western and non-Western cultures. Islamic = culture is=20 certainly categorized as non-Western in today's debates, but as = shown by=20 the case of Averro=EBs (as well as other Islamic philosophers such = as=20 Alfarabi), Islamic thought was profoundly rooted in the very Greek = world=20 that is at the fountainhead of Western culture. Indeed, in his = so-called=20 Decisive Treatise, Averro=EBs displays a remarkable = tolerance for=20 ancient Greek thought, even though he recognizes that in Muslim = terms it=20 is the work of infidels:=20

But if someone other than ourselves has = already examined that subject, it is clear that we ought to seek = help=20 toward our goal from what has been said by such a predecessor on = the=20 subject, regardless of whether this other one shares our = religion or=20 not. . . . By "those who do not share our religion" I refer to = those=20 ancients who studied these matters before Islam. ³³

With this defense of studying ancient philosophy, Averro=EBs = proved to be=20 one of the central conduits of Greek thought to the European = Middle Ages.=20 The implications of this fact for our understanding of Western = culture are=20 still largely unexamined, but at a minimum it shows that the roots = of=20 European culture in its classical past are fundamentally = intertwined with=20 what we think of as non-Western sources. In short, the Western = culture=20 that is often branded today as Eurocentric in fact already = incorporates a=20 strong Islamic and hence non-Western component, even in such a = canonical=20 author as Dante. And Dante's case is by no means unique. Careful=20 examination of another classic of the Western canon, Don = Quixote,=20 would similarly show that Islamic thought played a great role in = shaping=20 Cervantes's vision. Recall that in Cervantes's fiction the = ultimate source=20 of the details of Don Quixote's story is an earlier text said to = be by an=20 Arab narrator, Cide Hamete Benengeli.=20

To today's opponents of the canon, I would thus say: "Instead = of=20 rejecting the Western canon, study it carefully, and you will find = that it=20 is not exclusively Western after all. The situation is in fact far = more=20 complex than you realize, and studying classics like the Divine = Comedy or Don Quixote may well introduce you to issues = that=20 have been quite central in what you yourselves think of as = non-Western=20 cultures, issues to the understanding of which non-Westerners have = made=20 major contributions."=20

But I have a caution to the defenders of the Western canon as = well:=20 [End Page 148] do not defend it by reading it canonically. = Authors=20 may be canonical in the sense of being essential to the = understanding of=20 our culture without being canonical in the sense of being orthodox = proponents of something monolithically designated as the Western=20 tradition. As I have tried to show, it is only by reading Dante=20 noncanonically that we become aware of the full richness and = complexity of=20 his thought, especially the way he is open to countercurrents of = ideas=20 within the supposedly rigid orthodoxy of the Middle Ages. We do no = service=20 to the Western tradition when we present its canonical authors as = one=20 monument to orthodoxy after another. Such a rigidification of the = canon=20 only invites adventurous students and scholars to search=20 elsewhere--outside the canon--for the excitement and novelty of=20 independent and subversive thought. But if we remain open to the=20 possibility that an author canonical in his importance may yet be=20 uncanonical in his thinking, we will find that the Western = tradition=20 contains enough tensions, contradictions, and conflicts within = itself to=20 keep even the most skeptical scholar occupied for a lifetime. And = we will=20 also find that the Western canon already incorporates non-Western=20 components--to the point where an Islamic philosopher can find an = honored=20 place among the sages of ancient Greece and Rome in that most = canonical=20 and yet uncanonical of all works, Dante's Divine Comedy.=20

University of Virginia =

Notes

1. See Teodolina Barolini, The Undivine = Comedy:=20 Detheologizing Dante (Princeton: Princeton University Press, = 1992),=20 pp. 6, 267-68 (note 9).=20

2. For an excellent treatment of the heretical = character of=20 Dante, see the chapter "The Strangeness of Dante: Ulysses and = Beatrice" in=20 Harold Bloom's The Western Canon (New York: Harcourt Brace, = 1994),=20 pp. 76-104.=20

3. See Edward W. Said, Orientalism (New = York: Random=20 House, 1978).=20

4. All quotations from the Divine Comedy = are taken=20 from the translation of Allen Mandelbaum (New York: Bantam, 1982). =

5. I will be dealing solely with the issue of the = impact of=20 Islamic philosophy on Dante. Thus I will avoid the even more = complicated=20 issues raised by Miguel As=EDn Palacios in his book La = escatolog=EDa=20 musulmana en la Divina Comedia, first published in Madrid in = 1919, and=20 available in English translation under the title Islam and the = Divine=20 Comedy, trans. Harold Sutherland (London: Frank Cass, 1926). = As=EDn=20 Palacios touched off a heated controversy by arguing that Dante's=20 conception of the other world was heavily influenced by Muslim = mythology=20 and theology. For a good review of the controversy, see Vicente = Cantarino,=20 "Dante and Islam: History and Analysis of a Controversy," A = Dante=20 Symposium, eds. William de Sua and Gino Rizzo (Chapel Hill: = University=20 of North Carolina Press, 1965), pp. 175-98.=20

6. On the idea of Limbo, see Kenelm Foster, = The Two=20 Dantes and Other Studies (London: Darton, Longman & Todd, = 1977),=20 pp. 169-71, Amilcare A. Iannucci, "Limbo: The Emptiness of Time," = Studi=20 danteschi 52 (1979-80): 72-73; hereafter abbreviated "LET," = and=20 Amilcare A. Iannucci, Commentary on Canto iv, Lectura Dantis=20 Virginiana (1990), ed. Tibor Wlassics, vol. 1, pp. 43-44; = hereafter=20 abbreviated LDV.=20

7. See Barolini, p. 39, Iannucci, LDV, p. = 45, and=20 Gino Rizzo, "Dante and the Virtuous Pagans," A Dante = Symposium, p.=20 119.=20

8. Foster, p. 171, finds this development "vastly = . . .=20 remarkable." See also Barolini, pp. 39-40, Iannucci, "LET," pp. = 74, 90,=20 104, and Iannucci, LDV, pp. 42, 44. As=EDn Palacios finds = precedents=20 in certain Islamic writers for including pagans in paradise; see = pp. 56,=20 61-63, 65, 81-84.=20

9. Rizzo, p. 121, writes of this moment: "One = wonders if we=20 are still in the same Limbo. The darkness is gone, the sighs and = sadness=20 are no longer to be seen or heard. As we progress from the throngs = of=20 infants, women and men who live in 'longing without hope' to the = castle=20 inhabited by the poets, philosophers and heroes of the classical = world we=20 find 'neither joy nor sorrow' in the appearance of these figures=20 surrounded by light. Obviously, if these sages display 'neither = joy nor=20 sorrow' in their countenance, they can hardly be said to live 'in = longing=20 without hope.'" Iannucci, "LET," p. 75, note 13, recognizes this = anomaly,=20 but tries to explain it away: "It is true that unlike the = unbaptized=20 children and the flock (l. 66) of the virtuous but obscure souls = whose=20 sighs fill the air of Limbo (ll. 25-27), the illustrious virtuous = pagans=20 within the gates of the nobile castello show no emotion. . = . . But=20 this apparent impassability before their fate is due not to any=20 substantial difference in the degree of their suffering in = comparison with=20 that of the rest of the souls in Limbo, but rather to Dante's = conception=20 of the savio who can exert absolute control over his = passions. The=20 virtuous pagans also suffer and perhaps even more for, being wise, = they=20 are more aware of what they have lost, but their dignity and = self-esteem=20 prevent them from expressing their anguish openly." This is a very = interesting view of the situation; for Iannucci's sake, one only = wishes=20 Dante had made it explicit in the poem.=20

10. See Inferno, xix, 19-21. Here Dante = offers a=20 perfectly innocent explanation for having broken the baptismal = font in the=20 San Giovanni Church in Florence, as if more sinister explanations = of his=20 action had been circulating.=20

11. For Dante's view of the need for = circumspection and=20 even indirection in writing, see Convivio, III, x. See = Christopher=20 Ryan, trans., Dante: The Banquet (Stanford French and = Italian=20 Studies, 1989), p. 104: "It is highly commendable, and indeed = necessary to=20 use this figure of speech, in which the words are directed to one = person=20 and their intention to another, for while admonishment is always=20 commendable and necessary it is not always appropriate that it be = voiced=20 by anyone whomever. So when a son is aware of a fault in his = father, or=20 when a subject is aware of a fault in his lord, or when a person = knows=20 that to admonish a friend would increase his shame or diminish his = honour,=20 or when he knows that his friend is not receptive to admonishment = but is=20 angered by it, this is a most graceful and useful figure, to which = we may=20 give the name dissimulation. Its strategy is similar to that of a = wise=20 soldier who attacks a castle on one side in order to draw off the = defences=20 from another." See also Convivio, IV, viii, p. 141, note 14 = in=20 Ryan's edition: "if, when discussing something, the trained = speaker knows=20 that there is someone hostile in his audience, he has to be very = careful=20 in what he says."=20

12. The figures in Limbo are "great-hearted = souls"=20 ("spiriti magni")--iv, 119. See Rizzo, p. 122, and John D. = Sinclair,=20 trans., Dante's Inferno (New York: Oxford University Press, = 1961),=20 p. 69: "Dante's description of them is a reminiscence of Aquinas's = account=20 of Aristotle's 'magnanimous'--great-souled--man."=20

13. Cf. Dante's description in the = Convivio, III,=20 xiv (p. 114 in Ryan): "Through these three virtues men rise to=20 philosophize in that heavenly Athens towards which, through the = dawning of=20 eternal truth, the Stoics, the Peripatetics and the Epicureans = hasten=20 together, united in the harmony of a single will." Though adjacent = to=20 hell, Dante's Limbo more closely resembles this "heavenly Athens." =

14. Apology, 41a-41c. Quoted in the = translation of=20 Thomas G. West and Grace Starry West, Four Texts on = Socrates=20 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1984), pp. 95-96.=20

15. See, for example, Convivio, III, v, = for=20 knowledge of the Timaeus.=20

16. Quoted in the text of J. B. Steane, ed.,=20 Christopher Marlowe: The Complete Plays (Harmonsdworth, UK: = Penguin=20 Books, 1969), Doctor Faustus, I.v.141-142.=20

17. In his very detailed discussion, Iannucci = keeps=20 forgetting that Muslims appear in Dante's Limbo. At one point = ("LET," p.=20 77), he defines the inhabitants as "born too early or too far = away" to=20 become Christians. On p. 84, he writes: "To be sure, Dante's Limbo = contains A. D. men as well, who for spatial rather than temporal = reasons=20 lived in ignorance of Christ." On p. 107, Iannucci writes: = "Dante's Limbo,=20 therefore, is a summa of B.C. history." In such statements = as=20 these, Iannucci thus provides a good measure of how odd the = presence of=20 Muslims in Dante's Limbo is; he cannot accommodate them in his = attempts to=20 formulate Dante's principles of inclusion.=20

18. For Dante's positive evaluation of Saladin, = see=20 Convivio, IV, xi (p. 150 in Ryan). See also As=EDn = Palacios, p. 262.=20

19. For biographical details, see Dominique = Urvoy, Ibn=20 Rushd (Averroes), trans. Olivia Stewart (London: Routledge, = 1991), pp.=20 29-38. The best essay I know on Averro=EBs is Muhsin Mahdi's = "Averro=EBs on=20 Divine Law and Human Wisdom," in Joseph Cropsey, ed., Ancients = and=20 Moderns (New York: Basic Books, 1964), pp. 114-31. I first = studied=20 Averro=EBs with Professor Mahdi in Arabic 147 at Harvard = University, and=20 wish to acknowledge my great debt to his instruction on the = subject.=20

20. For a recent general account of Averroism, = see Oliver=20 Leaman, Averroes and his Philosophy (Oxford: Clarendon = Press,=20 1988), pp. 163-78.=20

21. See As=EDn Palacios (p. 262) on Dante's = placing of=20 Avicenna and Averro=EBs in Limbo.=20

22. As=EDn Palacios (pp. 252-54) points out one = probable=20 means of transmission of the Islamic thought of Spain to Dante: = his=20 teacher, Brunetto Latini, was sent in 1260 as Ambassador of = Florence to=20 the court of Alfonso el Sabio in Toledo and Sevilla.=20

23. The first time Dante was publicly charged = with=20 Averroism appears to have been in 1327, six years after he died, = when=20 Guido Vernani made the accusation in his De Reprobatione=20 Monarchiae. For brief excerpts from this work in English, see = Michael=20 Caesar, ed., Dante: The Critical Heritage (London: = Routledge,=20 1989), pp. 110-14. For further excerpts in English, see J. F. = Took,=20 Dante: Lyric Poet and Philosopher (Oxford: Clarendon Press, = 1990),=20 pp. 167-68. On this subject, see Ernest Fortin, "Dante and = Averroism,"=20 Actas del V Congreso International de Filosofia Medieval = (Madrid,=20 1979), vol. 2, pp. 739-46. This essay is the best treatment I know = of the=20 relation of Dante to Averro=EBs; in general Fortin's writings and=20 conversations about Dante have been a great help to me in trying = to=20 understand the Divine Comedy.=20

24. For some relatively clear discussions of the = subject,=20 see Urvoy, pp. 99-109 and Leamon, pp. 82-103.=20

25. Cf. Brunetto Latini's comment at = Inferno, xv,=20 119-20.=20

26. For this story, see Beatrice Zedler's = preface to her=20 translation of St. Thomas Aquinas's On the Unity of the = Intellect=20 Against the Averroists (Milwaukee, Wis.: Marquette University = Press,=20 1968).=20

27. As an example of the hostility against = Averro=EBs,=20 Aquinas calls him the "perverter" of Aristotle's philosophy = (Zedler, p.=20 73). In the conclusion of the treatise, Aquinas becomes=20 uncharacteristically belligerent as he challenges an unnamed = Averroist=20 opponent: "But if there be anyone boasting of his knowledge, = falsely=20 so-called, who wishes to say something against what we have = written here,=20 let him not speak in corners, nor in the presence of boys who do = not know=20 how to judge about such difficult matters; but let him write = against this=20 treatise if he dares; and he will find not only me who am the = least of=20 others, but many other lovers of truth, by whom his error will be = opposed=20 or his ignorance remedied" (75).=20

28. As an example of Dante's use of the idea, = see=20 Convivio, IV, xxi (p. 174 in Ryan). Karl Vossler also = suggests that=20 the idea of the Possible Intellect functions in the love poetry of = the=20 dolce stil nuovo, including Dante's Vita Nuova. See = Karl=20 Vossler, Medieval Culture: An Introduction to Dante and His = Times,=20 trans. William Cranston Lawton (New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1929), = I,=20 305-8. This suggestion is supported by the fact that Dante's = friend, Guido=20 Cavalcanti, explicitly mentions the Possible Intellect ("possibile = intelletto") in his famous canzone "Donna mi priegha" (7th = stanza). On=20 this subject, see George Holmes, Dante (Oxford: Oxford = University=20 Press, 1980), pp. 8-10.=20

29. See Dante Alighieri, On World-Government = (De=20 Monarchia), trans. Herbert W. Schneider (Indianapolis: = Bobbs-Merrill,=20 1949), p. 6. On the Averroism of this passage, see Vossler, I, = 309,=20 Holmes, pp. 68-69, Took, pp. 166-67, and Larry Peterman, "An = Introduction=20 to Dante's De Monarchia," Interpretation 3 (1973): = 174-75.=20

30. This consideration may explain why in=20 Purgatorio, xxv, 61-66, Dante takes pains to dissociate = himself=20 from Averro=EBs's conception of the Possible Intellect. On this = subject, see=20 Holmes, p. 75.=20

31. See Peterman, p. 174 (note 15). For the = condemnation=20 of De Monarchia, see Chapter XVI of Boccaccio's Life of=20 Dante.=20

32. Among many others, see, for example, = Vossler, I, 107,=20 Ricardo J. Quinones, Dante Alighieri (Boston: G. K. Hall, = 1979), p.=20 150, and Took, pp. 113-17.=20

33. "The Decisive Treatise, Determining the = Nature of the=20 Connection Between Religion and Philosophy" in George F. Hourani, = ed. and=20 trans., Averroes on the Harmony of Religion and Philosophy = (London:=20 Luzac, 1961), pp. 46-47.

http://0-muse.jhu.edu.opac.sfsu.edu:80/journals/philosophy_and_= literature/v020/20.1cantor.html.

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