From: Subject: Glenn A. Steinberg - Chaucer in the Field of Cultural Production: Humanism, Dante, and the "House of Fame" - Chaucer Review 35:2 Date: Mon, 3 May 2004 20:28:55 -0700 MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: multipart/related; boundary="----=_NextPart_000_0015_01C4314D.41D6B750"; type="text/html" X-MimeOLE: Produced By Microsoft MimeOLE V6.00.2800.1409 This is a multi-part message in MIME format. ------=_NextPart_000_0015_01C4314D.41D6B750 Content-Type: text/html; charset="Windows-1252" Content-Transfer-Encoding: quoted-printable Content-Location: http://0-muse.jhu.edu.opac.sfsu.edu/journals/chaucer_review/v035/35.2steinberg.html Glenn A. Steinberg - Chaucer in the = Field of Cultural Production: Humanism, Dante, and the "House of Fame" - = Chaucer Review 35:2

Copyright =A9 2001 by The Pennsylvania = State University.=20 All rights reserved.

Chaucer = Review 35.2=20 (2000) 182-203=20
 
[Access=20 article in PDF]=20

Chaucer in the Field of Cultural = Production:=20 Humanism, Dante, and the House of Fame

Glenn A. Steinberg=20


Most critics today would probably agree with = Winthrop=20 Wetherbee that "the House of Fame is a poem about poetic=20 tradition." 1 Evidence for such a reading abounds. = 2 With a frequency that borders on = disingenuous=20 name-dropping, the poem explicitly refers to a host of literary = authors=20 and authorities, including Virgil twice (HF 378 and 1483), = Ovid=20 twice (HF 379 and 1487), Claudian twice (HF 449 and = 1509),=20 Dante (HF 450), Isaiah (HF 514), Plato (HF = 759),=20 Aristotle (HF 759), Boethius (HF 972), Martianus = Capella=20 (HF 985), Statius (HF 1460), Homer (HF 1466), = and=20 Lucan (HF 1499). 3 The poem's very composition--its = conventional form=20 as a dream vision, its invocations borrowed from Dante, its = retelling of=20 the familiar tale of Dido and Aeneas, its encyclopedic eagle = guide, and=20 the conventional figure of Fame herself (derived from Ovid and=20 Virgil)--unabashedly manifests a lively interest in traditional = poetic=20 authors, genres, and materials. 4 In addition, the pillars of poets that = bear up the=20 ceiling in Fame's palace symbolically underscore the importance of = poetic=20 tradition as an explicit theme in the poem. By propping up Fame's = ceiling=20 with columns of poets, Chaucer indicates that poetry, as embodied = in its=20 various traditions, is the very basis for all renown--that of = heroes,=20 whole peoples, and even "[t]he grete god of Loves name" (HF = 1489).=20 5 Without poetic tradition, Chaucer implies, = Fame's=20 palace would soon come crashing down.=20

But what is poetic tradition? If "the House = of=20 Fame is a poem about poetic tradition," what exactly is = Chaucer=20 writing about? How did Chaucer and his contemporaries conceive of = poetic=20 tradition? In our own time, which has seen the questioning of the = very=20 notion of tradition, how should we conceptualize and describe = poetic=20 tradition in relation to Chaucer's poem? My purpose here is to = attempt to=20 clarify these questions, to propose a model for what poetic = tradition is=20 and how it operates, and to argue a thesis about how Chaucer's = House of=20 Fame participates in the creation [End Page 182] and=20 exploration of poetic tradition--with special emphasis on Dante as = a=20 particularly significant precursor within the traditions available = to=20 Chaucer. I would argue that the insight resulting from this = clarification=20 of the nature of poetic tradition in the House of Fame = illuminates=20 our perspective on Chaucer's position in relation to his = contemporaries on=20 the European literary scene, especially in relation to Petrarch = and the=20 early Italian humanists.=20

In my investigations in this area, I find = Pierre=20 Bourdieu's metaphor of the field of cultural production = particularly=20 useful. As Bourdieu writes, "works of art exist as symbolic = objects only=20 if they are known and recognized, that is, socially instituted as = works of=20 art and received by spectators capable of knowing and recognizing = them as=20 such." For this reason, "the sociology of art and literature has = to take=20 as its object not only the material production but also the = symbolic=20 production of the work, i.e. the production of the value of the = work, or,=20 which amounts to the same thing, of belief in the value of the = work."=20 6 According to Bourdieu, the driving force = in this=20 symbolic production--the "specific capital" in the artistic = field--is=20 recognition. 7 In order to become a poet, one must be = recognized as=20 one. In fact, as Bourdieu writes, "[t]here is no other criterion = of=20 membership of a field than the objective fact of producing effects = within=20 it." To produce such effects, one must have some relation to or = control=20 over what is recognized and valued in the field. One can only be=20 recognized as a poet, for example, if one has some relation to or = some=20 control over how poetry is defined on the contemporary literary = scene. As=20 a result, everyone in the field has a vested interest in = controlling who=20 or what gets recognition, most especially in "who are authorized = to call=20 themselves writers," so that, in the end, "what is at stake is the = power=20 to impose the dominant definition of the writer. . . . In short, = the=20 fundamental stake in literary struggles is the monopoly of = literary=20 legitimacy." 8=20

To acquire this monopoly, one must in essence = become a=20 noted founder or sustainer of a new or recognized tradition that = displaces=20 previous traditions from dominance in the field. In this respect, = as=20 Bourdieu proposes, "[t]he aging of authors, schools and works . . = .=20 results from the struggle between those who have made their mark = (fait=20 date--"made an epoch") and who are fighting to persist, and those = who=20 cannot make their mark without pushing into the past those who = have an=20 interest in stopping the clock, eternalizing the present stage of = things."=20 In short, "[t]he history of the field arises from the struggle = between the=20 established figures and the young challengers." In such struggles, = Bourdieu writes, "[e]ach author, school or work which 'makes its = mark'=20 displaces the whole series of earlier authors, schools or works. . = . .=20 [E]ach period [for example] excludes certain hackneyed subjects: = Tolstoy=20 forbids mention of the 'romantic Caucasus' or moonlight, while = Chekhov, in=20 one of his [End Page 183] juvenilia, lists the newly = unacceptable=20 commonplaces." But these previously displaced commonplaces and = their=20 authors are still "immanent to the functioning of the field," = because "the=20 whole series of pertinent changes is present, practically, in the = latest=20 (just as the six figures already dialled on a telephone are = present in the=20 seventh)." 9 Indeed, as Bourdieu notes, "[f]ew works do = not bear=20 within them the imprint of the system of positions in relation to = which=20 their originality is defined; few works do not contain indications = of the=20 manner in which the author conceived the novelty of his = undertaking or of=20 what, in his eyes, distinguished it from his contemporaries and=20 precursors." 10 So, poetic tradition is the immanent = history of=20 past struggles over literary legitimacy in the field of cultural=20 production, still present by implication in contemporary struggles = and in=20 each author's contributions of professed novelty within those = struggles.=20

Such at least is the definition of poetic = tradition that=20 I would like to propose here. Such too seems to be the sense of = poetic=20 tradition that Chaucer assumes in the House of Fame. = Everywhere in=20 Chaucer's poem, poets vie with another to get the last word, = attempting to=20 push their reluctant predecessors into the past. In Fame's palace, = Homer=20 has a position of preeminence, installed "Ful wonder hy on a piler = / Of=20 yren" (HF 1465-66), but the other writers who share his = pillar seek=20 to reach its top (the capital) and to displace their venerable = precursor=20 by redefining the norms of poetry:=20

But yet I gan ful wel espie,
Betwex = hem=20 was a litel envie.
Oon seyde that Omer made lyes, =
Feynynge in=20 hys poetries,
And was to Grekes favorable;
Therfor held = he hyt=20 but fable.

(HF 1475-80) =

Chaucer seems to imply that poetic tradition = persists and=20 evolves primarily through opposition, struggle, and discord. It is = all but=20 defined by conflict over legitimacy and supremacy, hinging on who = are=20 authorized to call themselves authors as opposed, in this case, to = fablers. To make their mark, young writers must push into the past = established figures who have temporarily stopped the clock. = 11=20

But established figures need not always be the = young=20 writer's antagonists in the conflict over literary legitimacy. = Young poets=20 can and often do use established figures, living or dead, as an = aid to=20 advancement in the literary field. As contemporaries vie with one = another=20 over "the fundamental stake" in literary endeavors--over "the = dominant=20 defintion of the writer" and "the monopoly of literary = legitimacy"--they=20 have recourse [End Page 184] to, among other resources, the = revered=20 classics of the field. Earlier writers who continue to be read and = revered=20 after their deaths, for example, retain recognition value and = become=20 repositories of symbolic capital (that is, of authority and = prestige)=20 because of their ongoing, posthumous reputation. Later writers can = therefore return to these previously established, dead figures=20 specifically to borrow from their capital in the contemporary = literary=20 field. Simply by alluding to the author(itie)s of classics in the = field's=20 history, one can cash in on the capital on deposit in the literary = accounts of those long-dead figures, who, being dead, are less = immediately=20 competitive and threatening than one's own contemporaries. 12 Young writers such as Dante who allude = to an=20 established, "classical" figure such as Virgil claim some of the = authority=20 and capital of that figure, establishing a filial relationship to = a=20 high-profile, ready-made source of poetic legitimacy and prestige. = 13=20

But such "returns to past styles . . . = are never=20 'the same thing,' since they are separated from what they return = to by=20 negative reference to something which was itself the negation of = it (or=20 the negation of the negation, etc.)." 14 Dante's return to Virgil arises not = simply out of=20 a free, self-determined choice on Dante's part, nor yet out of a = timeless=20 meeting of minds in a "high-level dialogue between illustrious = spirits,"=20 15 but rather out of the contemporary = debates in=20 Dante's literary field and Dante's attempt to "make his mark" in = that=20 field. Virgil becomes a way for Dante to define and consolidate = his=20 position in the literary field of the Italian trecento, especially = in=20 relation to such writers as Guittone d'Arezzo, Guido Guinizzelli, = and=20 Guido Cavalcanti, who preceded, ignored, or opposed the classicism = of=20 Italy's emerging humanism (a situation to which Dante apparently = alludes,=20 in Cavalcanti's case, in Inferno X.58-63). Dante's return = to Virgil=20 is therefore at least as self-serving as it is deferential. Dante = attempts=20 to appropriate some of Virgil's capital in the literary field of = trecento=20 Italy by proclaiming himself the son and heir of that revered = master (for=20 example, Inf III.121), 16 and at the same time, he promotes his = own=20 independent authority by implicitly asserting his right and his = ability to=20 confer on Virgil the title "maestro" (for example, Inf = I.85). As=20 Bourdieu notes, "[e]very critical affirmation contains, on the one = hand, a=20 recognition of the value of the work which occasions it, which is = thus=20 designated as a worthy object of legitimate discourse . . . and on = the=20 other hand an affirmation of its own legitimacy. All critics = declare not=20 only their judgement of the work but also their claim to the right = to talk=20 about it and judge it." 17=20

Much as Virgil is for Dante, Dante is for = Chaucer an=20 important and useful precursor in the poetic tradtions available = to him.=20 The literary field of Chaucer's day was a complex and potentially=20 dangerous site of multiple, layered conflicts. Chaucer was part of = what=20 Richard Firth Green has [End Page 185] called a "literary=20 revolution" in the later Middle Ages: he was a beneficiary of the = trend in=20 late medieval courtly society that displaced minstrels in favor of = a more=20 lettered and more literary class of writers. 18 In this connection, Lee Patterson has = proposed=20 that Chaucer saw his early writing "in terms of an opposition = between=20 courtly 'makyng' and humanist 'poesye,'" an opposition motivated = by=20 "Chaucer's sense of the limitations of courtly 'makyng.'" As = Patterson=20 writes, "[t]he alternative by which [Chaucer] sought to create for = himself=20 a space of ideological freedom was what he called 'poesye,' by = which he=20 meant the writings of the ancients and of their trecento = inheritors,=20 Dante, Petrarch, and Boccaccio. According to a familiar ratio, = Chaucer=20 sought to distance himself from social context through classicism: = by=20 establishing a relation to a recuperated past, he projected = himself into a=20 new future." 19 Dante was a significant part of that = "recuperated=20 past" for Chaucer, who in effect tried to use Dante to broaden the = horizons and increase the prestige of his dangerously provincial = English=20 poetry. 20=20

Patterson deems this attempt to use the past to = conquer a=20 new future an unsuccessful initiative on Chaucer's part. 21 Given Patterson's own acknowledgement of = Chaucer=20 as "the Father of English poetry," this judgment seems a bit = harsh.=20 22 According to A. C. Spearing, Chaucer = "was the=20 first English poet to establish a personal tradition of influence. = . . .=20 He was concerned . . . with the accurate transmission of his = poetry to the=20 future: he was not content that it should simply be absorbed into = a body=20 of changing and fading verses." 23 Part of Chaucer's success in this = "transmission of=20 his poetry to the future" was precisely his connection to Dante = and the=20 Italian trecento. Indeed, by introducing Dante into the English = literary=20 scene, Chaucer succeeded in identifying himself so thoroughly with = that=20 "wise poete of Florence" (WBT 1126) that he "wrot also ful = many day=20 agone, / Dante in Inglissh," according to the next generation of = English=20 writers (for example, John Lydgate). 24 His reputation for being learned and for = being a=20 voice of cultivation and refinement in the wilderness of an = otherwise=20 isolated and crude culture--"in," as Sidney put it, "that mistie=20 time"--would continue for centuries. 25 As Sidney opines, "in the Italian = language, the=20 first that made it aspire to be a Treasure-house of Science, were = the=20 Poets Dante, Boccace, and Petrarch. So in our = English were=20 Gower and Chawcer." 26=20

Dante also proves a particularly significant = precursor=20 for Chaucer and Chaucer's Italian contemporaries, because as a = vernacular=20 poet of undeniable literary ambition and achievement along = classical=20 lines, he comes to represent a prelude and, at the same time, a = serious=20 challenge to the hegemony of classicism in the literary field of = the late=20 fourteenth century, a hegemony to which Chaucer is almost = certainly=20 introduced--if not before--during his trips to Italy in the 1370s. = Dante,=20 because he uses [End Page 186] a peculiar brand of = essentially=20 medieval classicism to make his mark in the literary field of his = own day,=20 becomes a locus of conflict over the nature and role of classicism = for=20 several subsequent generations of poets. For Chaucer, exploring = his own=20 relationship to poetic tradition in the House of Fame, = Dante's=20 relation to classical antiquity and to his humanist successors in = Italy=20 becomes a source of fascination as well as an underlying theme in=20 Chaucer's poem. Dante in effect makes a name for himself by using=20 classicism to push "into the past those who have an interest in = stopping=20 the clock," most especially older vernacular writers such as Guido = Guinizzelli and Guido Cavalcanti (the two Guidos of = Purgatorio=20 XI.97-99). But at the same time, Dante uses the vernacular = tradition and=20 the Neoplatonism of the Dolce stil nuovo, as well as a dose = of=20 anti-pagan Christian theology, 27 as a way of "fighting to persist" after = making his=20 mark, combatting the rising fortunes of the humanist writers of = the new=20 Latin poetry, who raised, "in the last years of his life and after = his=20 death, serious doubts about his project." 28 Chaucer similarly fights to persist as a = vernacular poet, but he does so specifically by pushing into the = past the=20 classicism of both Dante and his humanist successors. 29=20

In his struggle for legitimacy in the literary = field of=20 his day, Dante quite literally puts other poets in their place by=20 dictating their final destinations in the afterlife. = Significantly, only a=20 scant few are comfortably in heaven--primarily biblical poets = (such as=20 David in Paradiso XX), amateur poet-saints (such as Francis = of=20 Assisi in Paradiso XI and XXXII), the philosopher-poet = Boethius=20 (among the theologians of Paradiso X), and Folquet de = Marselha=20 (who, in Paradiso IX, recounts how he left his troubadour's = life of=20 debauchery and his decadent poetry for the monastery). Purgatory = has a=20 much larger population of poets (including Arnaut Daniel, = Bonagiunta da=20 Lucca, Forese Donati, Giacomo da Lentini, Guido Guinizzelli, = Guittone=20 d'Arezzo, and Sordello) but only one classical writer among = them--namely,=20 Statius. Unfortunately for aspiring creative writers, the majority = of=20 poets seem to end up in hell--among them, Bertran de Born, = Brunetto=20 Latini, Homer, Horace, Linus, Lucan, Orpheus, Ovid, Pierre delle = Vigne,=20 Seneca, and, of course, Virgil. Significantly, too, these damned = poets=20 include the greatest, most prestigious figures in Dante's day. = Arnaut=20 Daniel, Guido Guinizzelli, Sordello, Statius, and Folquet de = Marselha,=20 arguably the most highly praised of poets in the Purgatorio = and=20 Paradiso, simply are not in the same league with Homer, = Horace,=20 Lucan, Ovid, and Virgil, as the hyperbolic praise of Virgil by = Sordello=20 (in Purgatorio VII) and Statius (in Purgatorio XXI) = makes=20 achingly clear.=20

Leaving aside for the moment any subconscious, = Oedipal=20 anxiety that Dante may have felt before the great pagan writers of = antiquity (compare Harold Bloom), I see a pattern and a purpose in = Dante's=20 placement of his poets. In the first place, Dante clearly honors = his=20 vernacular precursors [End Page 187] by their placement in=20 purgatory. Indeed, when Dante meets Guido Guinizzelli in = Purgatorio=20 XXVI, he offers him high praise both through his actions and = through his=20 speeches in the poem. He calls Guinizzelli "il padre / mio e de li = altri=20 miei miglior che mai / rime d'amor usar dolci e leggiadre" = ("father of me=20 and of the others, my betters, who ever wrote sweet and graceful = rhymes of=20 love," Purg XXVI.97-99), and he is struck speechless as if = in the=20 presence of a celebrity: "e sanza udire e dir pensoso andai / = lunga f=EFata=20 rimirando lui" ("and without hearing or speaking I walked a long = time deep=20 in thought admiring him," Purg XXVI.100-101). When he = finally finds=20 his voice, "tutto m'offersi pronto al suo servigio" ("I offered = all myself=20 ready at his service," Purg XXVI.104) because of "[l]i = dolci detti=20 vostri, / che, quanto durer=E0 l'uso moderno, / faranno cari = ancora i loro=20 incostri" ("your sweet verses, which, as long as modern use = endures, will=20 make even their ink dear," Purg XXVI.112-14). Guinizzelli = in turn=20 honors Arnaut Daniel with even higher praise, calling him "miglior = fabbro=20 del parlar materno" ("a better maker of the maternal speech," = Purg=20 XXVI.117).=20

In all this abundant praise, Dante emphasizes = style (the=20 "dolci detti" of Guinizzelli and the "rime . . . = dolci e=20 leggiadre" of Guinizzelli's followers) and, more = fundamentally, the=20 use and refinement of the vernacular (the "uso moderno" of the=20 stilnovistic writers and the "parlar materno" of Arnaut Daniel). = Indeed,=20 Dante flagrantly glorifies the vernacular and conspicuously = consummates=20 that glorification by having Arnaut Daniel himself speak in his = native=20 Proven=E7al rather than in Italian (Purg XXVI.140-47). In = this way,=20 Dante clearly attempts to rationalize and defend the use of the=20 vernacular--most especially his own use of Italian in the = Divine=20 Comedy. As John Larner has observed, "[v]ernacular literature = in that=20 age needed defenders. Latin, language of international exchange, = of=20 learning, of the great pagans and early Fathers, a language that = bestowed=20 immediate power, seemed, long before the full flood of classical = revival,=20 to be inevitably superior to any vulgar tongue." 30 By enshrining Guido Guinizzelli and = Arnaut Daniel=20 near the top of the mountain of Purgatory, Dante attempts to = create for=20 his vernacular precursors a glowing aura of worthiness and = legitimacy such=20 as naturally surrounds the great pagan writers in Limbo in = Inferno=20 IV.=20

But at the same time, Dante does not want to = "stop the=20 clock" with Guido Guinizzelli and Arnaut Daniel. Quite the = contrary,=20 Oderisi da Gubbio in Purgatorio XI suggests that = Guinizzelli's time=20 is already long past: "Cos=EC ha tolto l'uno a l'altro Guido / la = gloria de=20 la lingua; e forse =E8 nato / chi l'uno e l'altro caccer=E0 del = nido" ("Thus=20 one Guido has robbed the other of the glory of the tongue; and = perhaps one=20 is born who will chase them both from the nest," 97-99). In = addition,=20 Dante places Guinizzelli among the lustful in purgatory rather = than in=20 heaven [End Page 188] precisely to show what Guinizzelli's = poetry=20 lacks that makes its slide into the past necessary and inevitable = in=20 Dante's eyes. As Giuseppe Mazzotta suggests, "he recognizes in = Guinizzelli=20 the originator of the modern trend, but love--far from being a = virtue--is=20 here lust and sodomy." 31 The poetry of the Dolce stil = nuovo, though=20 important for its use and refinement of the vernacular, falls = short of=20 perfection/paradise--despite its Neoplatonism--because of its low=20 ambitions and desires. Indeed, of the vernacular poets, only = Folquet de=20 Marselha manages to find himself already in heaven, because "[a]s = a lover=20 he exemplifies the sublimation of erotic love into divine = love--something=20 he accomplishes while still on earth by choosing to give up his = life as=20 court poet and successful merchant for the monastery." 32=20

Dante is completely purged of his erotic = desires in=20 Purgatorio XXVII--like Folquet, before his death but, = unlike=20 Folquet, also before writing his greatest poem, the = Commedia. But=20 his purgation actually begins much earlier. Dante's salvific = journey--both=20 as a particularly graced pilgrim on the road to heaven and as a=20 particularly graced poet on the road to writing the Divine=20 Comedy--begins with Virgil. Virgil provides the initial = impetus for=20 Dante's journey--both the literal impetus for his descent into = hell in=20 Inferno I and the poetic impetus as Dante's acknowledged = model and=20 inspiration in writing, "colui da cu' io tolsi / lo bello stilo = che m'ha=20 fatto onore" ("the one from whom I took the beautiful style that = has won=20 me honor," Inf I.86-87). Virgil, moreover, is precisely = what=20 stilnovistic poets such as Guinizzelli and the other Guido, Guido=20 Cavalcanti, lack. 33 In Inferno X, Cavalcante de' = Cavalcanti=20 asks after his son Guido: "Se per questo cieco / carcere vai per = altezza=20 d'ingegno, / mio figlio ov' =E8? e perch=E9 non =E8 teco?" ("If = through this=20 blind dungeon you pass because of the loftiness of genius, where = is my=20 son? and why is he not with you?" 58-60). Dante replies that = "colui=20 ch'attende l=E0, per qui mi mena, / forse cui Guido vostro ebbe a = disdegno"=20 ("he who waits there leads me through here, he whom your Guido = perhaps=20 held in disdain," Inf X.62-63). If Guido Cavalcanti, "a = poet whose=20 lexicon does not admit laudare," 34 had not refused to praise and follow = Virgil, his=20 fate might have been different.=20

The same might be said for Guinizzelli, who = first sees=20 Dante in the company of Virgil and Statius but, significantly, = fails to=20 recognize "li altri" ("the others") whom Dante is following "non = per esser=20 pi=F9 tardo, / ma forse reverente" ("not through being slower, but = surely=20 reverent," Purg XXVI.16-17). Guinizzelli does, however, = recognize=20 Dante's good fortune in being permitted this journey: "Beato te, = che de le=20 nostre marche / . . . per morir meglio, esper=EFenza imbarche" = ("Blessed are=20 you, who from our shores . . . in order to die better, ships = experience,"=20 Purg XXVI.73-75). Dante is allowed this blessed second = chance,=20 because his poetic ambitions [End Page 189] and his moral = character=20 are informed by Virgil's writings, much as the ambitions and = character of=20 Statius were before him. As Statius observes of Virgil, "Tu prima=20 m'inv=EFasti / verso Parnaso a ber ne le sue grotte, / e prima = appresso Dio=20 m'alluminasti" ("You first sent me toward Parnassus to drink in = its=20 grottos, and first enlightened me about God," Purg = XXII.64-66).=20 Like Statius, Dante's poetic ambitions and his spiritual = rejuvenation=20 originate in Virgil--both master poet and classical figure "of = human=20 perfectibility." 35=20

Indeed, Dante consciously portrays himself as = absorbing=20 moral integrity from Virgil, a moral integrity that ultimately = liberates=20 him from slavery to Guinizzelli's stilnovistic lust. Virgil is = quite=20 literally a model and source of encouragement for Dante in his = quest for=20 human perfection in the poem. Leaving the bolgia of the = hypocrites=20 in hell, for example, Virgil calls upon Dante to rouse himself, = because,=20 =

        = ;  =20 seggendo in piuma,
in fama non si vien, n=E9 sotto coltre;=20
    sanza la qual chi sua vita consuma,=20
cotal vestigio in terra di s=E9 lascia,
qual fummo in = aere e in=20 acqua la schiuma.
    E per=F2 leva = s=F9; vinci=20 l'ambascia
con l'animo che vince ogne battaglia
se col = suo grave=20 corpo non s'accascia.

(INF xxiv. 47-54) =

[sitting among feathers, one does not come into = fame, nor=20 sitting under blankets; whoever wastes life without fame leaves = that=20 vestige of himself on earth that smoke leaves in air and foam in = water.=20 And so get up; conquer your panting with the spirit that conquers = every=20 battle, if with its heavy body it is not crushed.] Virgil here is = the=20 epitome of the Empire--with all the civic virtue, military ethos, = and=20 stoical philosophy that characterize Virgil's Rome for his = trecento heirs.=20 36 For Dante, pius Virgil inspires a = movement=20 beyond the lustful trifles of the Dolce stil nuovo.=20

But Dante does not need Virgil only as a model = for moral=20 rectitude. In fact, he has much closer models of moral poetry in = the=20 vernacular poets Guittone d'Arezzo and Giraut de Bornelh. Yet, = Dante=20 honors neither Guittone nor Giraut ("quel di Lemos=EC" in = Purgatorio=20 XXVI.120) in the expansive way that he does Guido Guinizzelli, = Arnaut=20 Daniel, and Virgil. Instead, both poets, especially Guittone, are = pushed=20 rather curtly into the past in order for Dante to make his mark = (for=20 example, Purgatorio XXVI.115-26 or XXIV.55-62). From = Dante's=20 perspective perhaps, Guittone and Giraut come too close to = dominating the=20 position of Dante's own choosing in the literary field--that of = supreme=20 moral poet. [End Page 190] As Teodelinda Barolini observes, = "[o]f=20 all his Italian predecessors, Guittone alone attempted what Dante = would=20 later accomplish, . . . a conversion that led not only to a = different kind=20 of life, as in the case of Folquet de Marselha, . . . but also a = different=20 kind of writing." 37 But fortunately for Dante, Guittone = failed to find=20 the best poetic medium for accomplishing what he--and = Dante--attempted. As=20 Barolini notes of Guittone, "What he needs to hold his 'gran = matera' is=20 something altogether new, a really 'gran canzon,' perhaps--like = the=20 Comedy--the equivalent of many canzoni stitched together . = . .=20 [but] Guittone is not capable of the Dantesque leap required for = such an=20 invention." 38 In essence, what Guittone lacks--and = Dante=20 supplies--is poetry of epic proportions and Virgilian ambition. = 39=20

So, Dante needs Virgil as a poetic model even = more than=20 he needs him as a model of civic virtue and human perfectibility. = Dante=20 certainly absorbed grand poetic ambitions from Virgil. Early in = the=20 Inferno, for example, Dante has the five greatest poets of=20 antiquity--Virgil, Homer, Horace, Ovid, and Lucan--invite him to = join=20 their "bella scola" ("beautiful school," Inf IV.94), and = "e' s=EC mi=20 fecer de la loro schiera, / s=EC ch'io fui sesto tra cotanto = senno" ("they=20 thus made me one of their group, so that I was a sixth among so = much=20 wisdom" (Inf IV.101-02). Not without irony and perhaps a = little=20 wishful thinking, Dante audaciously portrays himself as honored = with an=20 invitation to join the most exclusive group of poets in European = history,=20 an invitation proffered, moreover, by the poets themselves, and he = accepts, becoming a sixth--presumably equal--poet in their midst,=20 "parlando cose che 'l tacere =E8 bello / s=EC com' era 'l parlar = col=E0 dov'=20 era" ("talking of things that are best left in silence, since it = was the=20 talk there where it was," Inf IV.104-05). 40 In Purgatorio XXII, Dante again = portrays=20 himself as honored "tra cotanto senno" ("among so much wisdom," = 23;=20 compare Inf IV.102). He places himself a pace behind--but = within=20 easy earshot of--Virgil and Statius, so that "io . . . ascoltava i = lor=20 sermoni, / ch'a poetar mi davano intelletto" ("I . . . listened to = their=20 words, which gave me insight for writing poetry," Purg=20 XXII.127-29). In all such passages, Dante clearly sets his poetic = goals=20 and perceives his poetic aspirations in relation to the revered = poets of=20 antiquity, and his ambition is to follow in their = footsteps--following, in=20 Guinizzelli's words, "non per esser pi=F9 tardo, / ma forse = reverente" ("not=20 through being slower, but surely reverent," Purg = XXVI.16-17).=20

Dante's classicism therefore arises out of his = attempt to=20 make his mark by pushing into the past the vernacular lyric poetry = of his=20 day--with its perceived lack of poetic ambition and moral = integrity--in=20 favor of a new epic poetry. One of the central images of that new = poetry=20 is the laurel crown, itself, of course, a classical symbol. The = laurel, in=20 classical times, crowned both successful writers and victorious = generals,=20 both laureate [End Page 191] poets and honorable citizens = of the=20 Empire, both artistic superiority and moral integrity--thus = encompassing=20 both poles of Dante's classicism. As a result, when the = Paradiso=20 opens, Dante anxiously and ambitiously proclaims that he will = crown=20 himself with the laurel if Apollo will but aid his writing:=20 =

        = ;  se=20 mi ti presti
tanto che l'ombra del beato regno
segnata = nel mio=20 capo io manifesti,
vedra'mi al pi=E8 del tuo diletto legno =
venire,=20 e coronarmi de le foglie
che la materia e tu mi farai degno. =

(Par I.22-27) =

[if you lend yourself to me so that I may = manifest the=20 shadow of the blessed kingdom signed in my head, you will see me = come to=20 the foot of your beloved tree, and crown myself with its leaves, = that my=20 matter and you will make me worthy.] Dante will deserve to enter = the=20 literary field as its laurel-crowned conqueror, but only if "la = materia=20 [that is, his moral message] e tu [that is, the inspiration of = classical=20 artistic endeavor] mi farai degno." To this goal Dante clearly = aspires,=20 and to make the victory complete, Dante emphasizes the uniqueness = of his=20 quest, since so few of his contemporaries seek the laurel crown: = "S=EC rade=20 volte, padre, se ne coglie / per tr=EFunfare o cesare o poeta" = ("so rarely,=20 father, is it grasped through the triumph of either emperor or = poet,"=20 Par I.28-29). Not surprisingly, however, Dante concludes = his=20 request for the laurel crown by voicing a desire to produce an = effect--to=20 found a tradition--in the literary field, as "[p]oca favilla gran = fiamma=20 seconda" ("a great flame seconds a little spark," Par = I.34-36).=20

But Dante's desire for the classical laurel is = not=20 without qualification. Virgil and the other classical poets (with = the=20 notable exception of Statius) are all finally condemned to hell in = Dante's=20 poem. Despite their sublime poetry and their moral integrity, = despite=20 their laurels, they are eternally "sanza speme" ("without hope"), = living=20 on "in disio" ("in desire," Inf IV.42). In a decidedly=20 controversial decision, a decision so controversial that Dante = himself=20 seems to have been of two minds about it, 41 Dante places his master among the = damned. In doing=20 so, he implies that, as Kenelm Foster writes, "Virgil, and with = him the=20 other adults in Limbo--the whole Limbo-image, in short--stand for = human=20 nature as a thing good in its kind and degree but = incomplete; and=20 incomplete whether it be regarded in the abstract, in the idea of = the=20 human as such, or as considered historically as pagan mankind." = 42 In this sense, Dante breaks with = classicism not=20 only in his use of the vernacular but also in his commitment = [End Page=20 192] to Christianity and to "l'amor che move il sole e l'altre = stelle"=20 ("the love that moves the sun and the other stars," Par=20 XXXIII.145). Indeed, Dante finally defines his poetic vocation = primarily=20 in terms of that divine amor. He tells Bonagiunta da Lucca, = "I' mi=20 son un che, quando / Amor mi spira, noto, e a quel modo / ch'e' = ditta=20 dentro vo significando" ("I am one who, when Love inspires, I = listen, and=20 in the way that He dictates within, I speak forth," Purg=20 XXIV.52-54). 43=20

In the process, Dante pushes the pagan poets of = antiquity=20 into the past, so that "the poetic mantle passes from the = classical poets,=20 essentially Vergil, to a transitional poet, whose Christianity is = disjunct=20 from his poetic practice [that is, Statius] . . . to the poet = whose=20 Christian faith is a sine qua non of his poetics [that is, = Dante]."=20 44 But Dante asserts this anti-pagan = Christian=20 poetics precisely at a time when--and precisely because--the = emerging=20 humanism of the next generation of Italian poets is actively = questioning=20 the Christian condemnation of pagan culture. 45 Even as Dante uses Virgil to push = Guittone=20 d'Arezzo, Guido Guinizzelli, and Guido Cavalcanti into the past = for their=20 lack of grandiose poetic ambitions, he must simultaneously fight = to=20 persist as a vernacular, Christian poet in the face of the next=20 generation's uncritical classicism, shoring up the symbolic = capital of the=20 vulgar tongue and of his vision of the Christian God of Love by=20 highlighting and actively revising Virgil's pagan character and = poetry.=20 46 His fight is inevitably unsuccessful--in = the short=20 run. The new poets (especially Petrarch) see Dante and his = supporters=20 (especially Boccaccio) as having "an interest in stopping the = clock," that=20 is, as an obstacle to the ability of the humanists to assert their = ascendancy in the literary field. For this reason, both Dante's = use of the=20 vernacular and his essentially scholastic approach to Christianity = come=20 under fire and are ultimately deemed wanting by his Italian = successors.=20 47 The poetic tradition of conflict and = opposition=20 over literary legitimacy continues, and the humanist poets push = Dante into=20 the past as naturally and as insistently as Dante earlier pushed=20 his precursors. As Petrarch writes in a letter to Boccaccio = in=20 1359, "most people, as I have said, usually accuse me of hatred = and some=20 of contempt for that man. . . . But others--that is those who envy = me and=20 my reputation--accuse me of envy. . . . And yet many years ago, = when in=20 fact I allowed my feelings freer rein, I dared to trust my = conscience and=20 declare . . . that I envied no man anything. . . . What likelihood = is=20 there that I should envy one who devoted his whole life to those = subjects=20 to which I have devoted only the flower of my youth and my first = fruits?"=20 48=20

Into this tangled web of envy Chaucer, the new, = provincial English poet, stumbles--if not before--during his = expeditions=20 to Italy in the 1370s. Although John Larner is right that "the=20 inevitability of Chaucer's approach to Dante must be called in = question,"=20 one can easily reconstruct [End Page 193] plausible reasons = for=20 Chaucer's interest in Dante from the reactions of Petrarch and his = followers to their native land's favorite son. 49 Because of the violence of the humanist = response=20 to Dante, Chaucer's own reaction to the author of the Divine = Comedy=20 becomes interesting first and foremost for the light it sheds on = Chaucer's=20 own position in the literary field of late fourteenth-century = Europe.=20 Chaucer's response to Dante as implied and expounded in the = House of=20 Fame is in effect one way to situate Chaucer in relation to = the=20 literary struggles and debates of his day. On a fundamental level, = Chaucer=20 reacts negatively to Dante--not to Dante's use of the vernacular = nor,=20 presumably, to his Christianity but rather, significantly, to his=20 classicism. 50 Rather than criticizing Dante for not = going far=20 enough in his adoption of classical values and norms for poetry, = for not=20 writing in Latin and not abandoning scholastic thinking, Chaucer = seems to=20 chide him for going too far in that direction, and in doing so, he = adopts=20 an adversarial stance with respect to the humanism of Petrarch--a = stance=20 that tries to make its mark by pushing both Dante and Petrarch = into the=20 past.=20

To illustrate my point, I would like to look = very closely=20 at what Chaucer does to Dante's laurel crown, for Chaucer = specifically=20 borrows Dante's invocation to Apollo in which that laurel crown = figures so=20 prominently, and Chaucer transforms Dante's laurel in ways that = are=20 suggestively symbolic. Chaucer's version of the invocation, which = opens=20 Book III of his poem (just as Dante's opens the third = cantica of=20 his poem), begins by translating Dante almost word for = word:=20

O God of science and of lyght, =
Appollo,=20 thurgh thy grete myght,
This lytel laste bok thou gye! =

(HF 1091-93) =

O buono Appollo, a l'ultimo lavoro =
fammi=20 del tuo valor s=EC fatto vaso,
come dimandi a dar l'amato = alloro.

[O good Apollo, in this last work make me by = your=20 strength such a vessel as you demand before giving the beloved = laurel.]=20 (Par I.13-15). But the differences between these two=20 passages--though seemingly slight--are interesting. Chaucer = insistently=20 humbles himself in comparison to Dante in small but telling ways. = Apollo's=20 "valor" in Dante becomes "thy grete myght" in Chaucer, effectively = implying with the mere addition of the word "grete" that Chaucer = holds a=20 humbler position than Dante with respect to the invoked god. = Similarly,=20 Dante's "ultimo lavoro" becomes "[t]his lytel laste bok" in = Chaucer, using=20 the addition of just one word [End Page 194] ("lytel") to = suggest=20 Chaucer's relative insignificance yet again. 51 The latter addition is, of course, = particularly=20 ironic, since "[t]his lytel laste bok" goes on for more than 1000 = lines=20 and is incomplete at that.=20

After this initial borrowing from Dante, the = two=20 invocations diverge for a time, but when they converge again, = Chaucer=20 intentionally adopts a less formal, more colloquial tone in = keeping with=20 his wish, expressed a few lines earlier, that no "art poetical be = shewed"=20 in his poem (HF 1095). He resumes translating Dante's = stately lines=20 almost word for word, making a promise to Apollo,=20

yif, devyne vertu, thow
Wilt helpe = me to=20 shewe now
That in myn hed ymarked ys. =

(HF 1101-03) =

O divina virt=F9, se mi ti presti =
tanto che=20 l'ombra del beato regno
segnata nel mio capo io manifesti. =

[O divine virtue, if you lend yourself to me so = that I=20 may manifest the shadow of the blessed kingdom signed in my head.] = (Par I.22-24). But then, Chaucer's narrator feels = constrained to=20 gloss his own meaning: "Loo, that is for to menen this, / The Hous = of Fame=20 for to descryve" (HF 1104-05). This fussy, almost comic=20 interjection in effect stalls the grand poetic flight borrowed = from Dante=20 in the lines immediately preceding it. It interrupts Dante's = classic--and=20 classical--invocation of the god of poetry in order to explain its = poetic=20 language in a lay person's terms. The speaker's desire to be = helpful--his=20 eagerness to spell out his own meaning parenthetically--undermines = the=20 elevated, classical style of Dante's lofty verses, and its = common-sensical=20 attitude toward its own content is wholly foreign to the poetic=20 pretensions of Dante's classical epic tone.=20

The promise that Chaucer actually makes to = Apollo in the=20 ensuing lines is frankly comic. Whereas Dante promises that = "vedra'mi al=20 pi=E8 del tuo diletto legno / venire, e coronarmi de le foglie" = ("you will=20 see me come to the foot of your beloved tree and crown myself with = its=20 leaves," Par I.25-26), Chaucer suggests a much humbler = proposition:=20 "Thou shalt se me go as blyve / Unto the nexte laure y see, / And = kysse=20 yt, for hyt is thy tree" (HF 1106-08). With this unexpected = transformation of Dante's grand gesture, Chaucer wholly undermines = Dante's=20 classical pretensions, kissing a tree instead of grasping the = laurel=20 crown. He strips Dante's laurel of all its symbolic value as a = reward for=20 artistic triumph and moral integrity, reducing Dante's sublime = image to a=20 literal tree--"the nexte laure y see." His comic kiss culminates a = pattern=20 implied throughout the [End Page 195] invocation and = throughout his=20 poem--a pattern by which Chaucer imitates Dante's exalted, = classical=20 aspirations for a brief space only to mock himself and Dante in = subsequent=20 lines. 52=20

As John Fyler proposes, "Chaucer in the = House of=20 Fame repeatedly builds systems only to undermine them, and his = poem=20 moves in a diastolic/systolic rhythm of expansion and collapse." = 53 But the delightful, comic collapse of = Dante's=20 invocation here seems to me to serve a very particular purpose. = Since=20 Chaucer surely did not seriously intend to run out and kiss a = laurel tree,=20 his promise to do so seems designed to poke fun at Dante. It = implies that=20 Chaucer finds Dante's poetic ambitions--his desire and heroic toil = for the=20 laurel crown--unsatisfactory or, at the very least, unsuited to = Chaucer's=20 own notions and position on poetry. It would seem to reverse = Dante's=20 passionate quest to ennoble vernacular poetry by imitating the = lofty=20 example of Virgil. 54 Indeed, it seems to suggest an anxiety = or disdain=20 on Chaucer's part with respect to Dante's pretensions to classical = prestige and integrity. Significantly in this respect, Dante's = image of a=20 raging fire as a symbol for the hoped-for spread of his new school = of epic=20 poetry ("Poca favilla gran fiamma seconda," Par I.34) = becomes in=20 Chaucer's poem an image for the explosive, destructive power of = rumor:=20 =

        = ;  Thus=20 north and south
Wente every tydyng fro mouth to mouth, =
And that=20 encresing ever moo,
As fyr ys wont to quyke and goo
From = a=20 sparke spronge amys,
Til al a citee brent up ys.=20

(HF 2075-80) =

Where Dante envisions a school of poets burning = with=20 classical ambitions, Virgilian integrity, and Christian vision, = Chaucer=20 sees a city burnt to the ground by unchecked rumor and poetry's=20 untrustworthy lies.=20

Chaucer's distrust of classical pretensions to = artistic=20 or moral superiority places him at odds with his Italian = contemporaries,=20 who go beyond even Dante in this respect. As Lee Patterson = observes,=20 Chaucer's "initial impulse toward classicism derived from the = Italian=20 humanists--there is hardly a classical text that he does not = approach=20 through their mediation," but this debt did not preclude his = independence=20 from his Italian teachers and guides: "the relation he established = to=20 antiquity was in fact far different from theirs." 55 Indeed, given Bourdieu's model of the = literary=20 field, it would have to be. For Chaucer to make his mark, he must = push=20 into the past "those who have an interest in stopping the = clock"--that is,=20 Petrarch and Petrarch's followers, who by Chaucer's time had = already=20 supplanted Dante. 56 To enter the literary field and produce = an [End=20 Page 196] effect, then, Chaucer must wrest from the Italian = humanists=20 "the power to impose the dominant definition of the writer" and = "the=20 monopoly of literary legitimacy." 57 He must establish his provincial English = poetry as=20 worthy of recognition and consecration. Chaucer chooses to = accomplish this=20 feat through good-natured parody and humor. 58=20

This is not to say that Chaucer owes nothing to = Dante or=20 to the Italian trecento but token gratitude for their availability = as a=20 foil for his humor. Quite the contrary, Chaucer is not as humble a = poet as=20 he sometimes claims to be, and Dante provides him with usable = capital in=20 his struggle for primacy in the provincial English literary=20 field--especially in so far as Chaucer can become the one who = "wrot also=20 ful many day agone, / Dante in Inglissh." 59 Dante's work in the vernacular, = moreover, provides=20 Chaucer with a precedent and a guide for writing noteworthy poetry = in his=20 native tongue--a possibility that seems natural and reasonable = after=20 Dante's Divine Comedy but that might not have seemed so = before it.=20 More importantly perhaps, Bourdieu argues that the relative = autonomy of=20 the artistic field in terms of its fundamental role in defining = artistic=20 legitimacy "began in quattrocento Florence, with the = affirmation of=20 . . . the right of artists to legislate within their own sphere." = 60 Chaucer brought such Florentine notions = of=20 artistic autonomy home to England and became "the first English = poet to=20 establish a personal tradition of influence," effectively = legislating the=20 parameters of artistic legitimacy for his contemporaries and = immediate=20 successors in England. 61 So, Chaucer's debt to Dante and to the = Italian=20 humanists is great. By incurring that debt and using the capital = thus=20 borrowed to his own profit, he conquered the English literary = field and=20 became the universally acknowledged "father of English literary = history."=20 62=20

The College of New Jersey =



Notes

1. Winthrop Wetherbee, Chaucer and the Poets: = An Essay=20 on Troilus and Criseyde (Ithaca, 1984), 18. As Karla Taylor = writes,=20 "The House of Fame is Chaucer's 'art poetical,' a sustained = examination of his craft of poetry and an enthralling statement = about the=20 nature of poetic influence. . . . The setting of The House of = Fame=20 is the mental world of books." See Chaucer Reads "The Divine=20 Comedy" (Stanford, 1989), 20. One voice of qualification, = however,=20 argues that "[a]s a thematic key to a poem that has so long eluded = unitary=20 interpretation, ars poetica is as reductive as any other, = and=20 reductive interpretation seems especially inappropriate for a poem = so=20 obviously expansive and encyclopedic in its range." See Robert M. = Jordan,=20 "Lost in the Funhouse of Fame," ChauR 18 (1983): 100-15 = (107).=20

2. All quotations from Chaucer's works are taken = from=20 The Riverside Chaucer, 3rd ed., ed. Larry D. Benson, et al. = (Boston, 1987). All quotations from Dante's Divine Comedy = are taken=20 from La Divina Commedia, ed. C. H. Grandgent, rev. Charles = S.=20 Singleton (Cambridge, Mass., 1972), and all translations from = Dante's=20 Italian are my own. For the Inferno, I use the abbreviation = Inf; for the Purgatorio, Purg; and for the = Paradiso,=20 Par.=20

3. Lara Ruffolo has argued that the purpose of = the lists in=20 Chaucer's poem is to claim a new basis for authority in = literature. In=20 this new conceptualization of literature, "[i]nstead of relying = upon the=20 truth of its contents, its literary authority resides in the = poet's=20 ability to compel an audience to read and recall his work--in = other words,=20 in his ability to achieve Fame." See "Literary Authority and the = Lists of=20 Chaucer's House of Fame: Destruction and Definition through = Proliferation," ChauR 27 (1993): 325-41 (326-27). As we = shall see,=20 I agree with Ruffolo's basic assertion here that Chaucer seeks to=20 establish his authority as a writer through attention to the = recognition=20 value and future reputation of his poetry--"to compel an audience = to read=20 and recall his work" in order to make his mark in the field of = cultural=20 production of late fourteenth-century England and Europe.=20

4. Jesse M. Gellrich notes that "[t]he poem = appears to be=20 less interested in subordinating and concealing the borrowings = from other=20 works of literature than in making them as obvious as possible." = See=20 The Idea of the Book in the Middle Ages: Language Theory, = Mythology,=20 and Fiction (Ithaca, 1985), 168.=20

5. Piero Boitani draws attention to the audacious = way in=20 which the image of the pillars of poets "underlines the close = connection=20 between Fame and poetry. . . . Writers are not only the preservers = of=20 fame, but also the recipients of glory." See Chaucer and the = Imaginary=20 World of Fame (Cambridge, Engl., 1984), 172-73.=20

6. Pierre Bourdieu, The Field of Cultural = Production:=20 Essays on Art and Literature, ed. Randal Johnson (New York, = 1993), 37.=20

7. Bourdieu, 30.=20

8. Bourdieu, 42.=20

9. Bourdieu, 60.=20

10. Bourdieu, 118.=20

11. Dante too appears to think of poetic = tradition as a=20 product primarily of opposition and envy. Oderisi da Gubbio, who = explains=20 the dangers and vanity of artistic fame in Purgatorio XI,=20 characterizes the tradition from Guido Guinizzelli and Guido = Cavalcanti to=20 Dante in terms of a violent struggle for supremacy: "Cos=EC ha = tolto l'uno a=20 l'altro Guido / la gloria de la lingua; e forse =E8 nato / chi = l'uno e=20 l'altro caccer=E0 del nido" ("Thus one Guido has robbed the other = of the=20 glory of the tongue; and perhaps one is born who will chase them = both from=20 the nest," 97-99). On the other hand, of course, the pagan poets = in=20 Dante's Limbo form what Steve Ellis has called "a united 'school' = of poets=20 . . . whereas in Chaucer the note of disunity intrudes in the form = of envy=20 amongst the singers of Troy." See "Chaucer, Dante, and Damnation," = ChauR 22 (1988): 282-94 (284-85). I wonder, however, how = united and=20 peaceful the souls in Limbo really can be when they live on = forever "in=20 disio" ("in desire," Inf IV.42). See n.29 for = bibliographical=20 material on Ellis.=20

12. See Harold Bloom, The Anxiety of = Influence: A=20 Theory of Poetry (London, 1973), esp. 25-28 or 99-112.=20

13. Domenico Comparetti has given us the classic = study,=20 often reprinted, of the extraordinary reputation and prestige that = Virgil=20 enjoyed throughout the Middle Ages as a poet and a figure of moral = rectitude. See Vergil in the Middle Ages, trans. E. F. M. = Benecke=20 (Hamden, 1966).=20

14. Bourdieu, 60.=20

15. Hans Robert Jauss, Toward an Aesthetic of = Reception, trans. Timothy Bahti (Minneapolis, 1982), 112.=20

16. Kenelm Foster, The Two Dantes and Other = Studies=20 (Berkeley, 1977), 156.=20

17. Bourdieu, 35-36.=20

18. Richard Firth Green, Poets and = Princepleasers:=20 Literature and the English Court in the Late Middle Ages = (Toronto,=20 1980), 107.=20

19. Lee Patterson, "'What Man Artow?': Authorial = Self-Definition in The Tale of Sir Thopas and The Tale = of=20 Melibee," SAC 11 (1989): 117-75 (118-19).=20

20. The provincial character of Chaucer's = English culture=20 and Chaucer's need to find other sources of artistic inspiration = and=20 prestige are well characterized by R. A. Shoaf: "[For] twenty = years I have=20 been studying the poets Dante and Chaucer and also the = relationship=20 between the two; I think now I can summarize the primary result of = my work=20 in . . . three words I have adapted from the Man of Law's = Tale:=20 'noon Englissh digne.' Because Chaucer, and the Gawain = poet, too,=20 in many circumstances, had 'noon Englissh digne,' they turned to = other=20 languages, other poetry, other cultures. Obviously, they turned to = French=20 and to Latin, but they also turned to Italian." See "'Noon = Englissh=20 Digne': Dante in Late Medieval England," in Dante Now: Current = Trends=20 in Dante Studies, ed. Theodore J. Cachey, Jr. (Notre Dame, = 1995), 189.=20 Similarly, Janet Coleman writes, "Without an exalted, written, = literary=20 tradition of its own other than the 'plain and vigorous style' of = some=20 realistic complaint poetry, the English language often took on = literary=20 associations from other languages. Chaucer's English, and in = particular,=20 how he tells us his stories, owes, it seems, far more to = French,=20 Latin, and Italian literature than it does to whatever we can = surmise=20 about native oral traditions." See "English Culture in the = Fourteenth=20 Century," in Chaucer and the Italian Trecento, ed. Piero = Boitani=20 (Cambridge, Engl., 1983), 38. David Wallace traces the negative = opinion=20 held specifically by trecento Italians with respect to provincial = England:=20 "Leonardo Bruni could marvel at the enterprise of Florentine = merchants,=20 whose profession could lead them as far away as Britain, 'which is = an=20 island in the ocean almost on the edge of the world.' Petrarch = marveled at=20 English successes in war against the French, but only as examples = of how=20 Fortune could allow a lesser kingdom to humiliate a greater one. . = . . The=20 English had no traditions that could claim his attention, although = he did=20 acknowledge acquaintance with the Architrenius of the = Englishman=20 Jean de Hanville. This Petrarch described as the most tiresome = thing he=20 had ever read." See "'Whan She Translated Was': A Chaucerian = Critique of=20 the Petrarchan Academy," in Literary Practice and Social Change = in=20 Britain, 1380-1539, ed. Lee Patterson (Berkeley, 1990), 159.=20

21. Patterson, "'What Man Artow?'" 120.=20

22. Patterson, "'What Man Artow?'" 175.=20

23. A. C. Spearing, Medieval to Renaissance = in English=20 Poetry (Cambridge, Engl., 1985), 59.=20

24. Quoted in Derek Brewer, ed., Chaucer: The = Critical=20 Heritage (London, 1978), 1, 53. Shoaf has argued passionately = that we=20 should not assume that Dante was as little known in = fourteenth-century=20 England as has been commonly believed or that Chaucer = singlehandedly=20 introduced Dante into England. As Shoaf observes, "[w]ho is to say = there=20 were no manuscripts of Dante in England in the fourteenth century? = Not I"=20 ("'Noon Englissh Digne,'" 200). In a similar vein, Wendy Childs = points=20 out, "[m]edieval England was never an isolated western island, but = one=20 enmeshed in a network of communications stretching from = Scandinavia to the=20 Mediterrranean, from Portugal to Russia, from Ireland to the Holy = Land and=20 even beyond. While her political and cultural traditions ensured a = particularly close, if often hostile, relationship with France,=20 connections with Flanders, Spain, Germany and Italy were also = strong." See=20 "Anglo-Italian Contacts in the Fourteenth Century," in Chaucer = and the=20 Italian Trecento, ed. Piero Boitani (Cambridge, Engl., 1983), = 65.=20 Nevertheless, Chaucer clearly played an important role in = introducing=20 Dante onto the English literary scene--so that subsequent = generations of=20 English writers naturally and steadfastly associated Chaucer with = Dante=20 and vice versa. As David Wallace points out, Chaucer's familiarity = with=20 Dante anticipated significant English knowledge of and interest in = that=20 Italian poet by several centuries. See "Dante in English," in = The=20 Cambridge Companion to Dante, ed. Rachel Jacoff (Cambridge, = Engl.,=20 1993), 241.=20

25. Caroline F. E. Spurgeon, ed., Five = Hundred Years of=20 Chaucer Criticism and Allusion 1357-1900 (New York, 1960), 1: = 122. See=20 also William Caxton in Spurgeon 1: 61-63; John Leland in Brewer 1: = 92-93;=20 Raphael Holinshed in Spurgeon 1: 114-15.=20

26. Spurgeon 1: 121.=20

27. Cf. Foster, especially 171-173.=20

28. Michael Caesar, ed., Dante: The Critical = Heritage=20 1314(?)-1870 (London, 1989), 3.=20

29. Conclusions about the significance and = nature of the=20 relationship between Dante and Chaucer have begun to shift in = recent=20 years. As Richard Neuse observes, "[t]hat Chaucer had read Dante = by the=20 time he started work on The Canterbury Tales has long been = a=20 familiar fact of literary history. But the idea that he had read = him with=20 enough care and understanding to develop a sense of a poetry or a = poetics=20 specifically 'Dantean' . . . would have met with considerable = skepticism=20 not so many years ago." See Chaucer's Dante: Allegory and Epic = Theater=20 in The Canterbury Tales (Berkeley, 1991), 2. Howard Schless is = one of=20 the more recent skeptics in this regard. See Chaucer and Dante: = A=20 Revaluation (Norman, 1984). But Wetherbee, Boitani, and Shoaf=20 initiated a new age in Chaucer-Dante studies in the 1980s, = claiming, in=20 Wetherbee's case, that "Chaucer, who was remarkable in his early = and=20 profound appreciation of the achievement of Dante, shared Dante's = sense of=20 the special excellence of the classical poets, Vergil, Ovid, and = Statius.=20 Like Dante, he recognized that classical poetry presented an = authoritative=20 view of human experience which earlier medieval poets had = assimilated only=20 partially and with an imperfect awareness of the dynamic role the = Latin=20 poets could play in the development of a classical tradition of = Christian=20 poetry" (9). Neuse, extending the tradition of Wetherbee, Boitani, = and=20 Shoaf, claims "that The Canterbury Tales is modeled on = Dante's=20 Comedy and that there is a fundamental affinity between the = two=20 works" (1). Although I perceive in Chaucer's House of Fame = signs of=20 Chaucer's use of his knowledge of Dante and of classical writers = as a=20 source of cultural capital and prestige, the evidence of The = House of=20 Fame does not seem to support Neuse's claim that Chaucer's = poetry "is=20 indeed in the line of 'epic succession' to the Comedy" = (ix). In=20 this respect, my own understanding of Chaucer's relationship with = Dante is=20 much more in line with the work of Taylor and Ellis than with that = of=20 Neuse, Wetherbee, Boitani, or Shoaf. Ellis, for example, argues = for "a=20 reading of the House of Fame which, beginning with the = 'test-case'=20 of Dido, sees the poem as a satire on what one might call Dante's=20 procedures of damnation and on his Virgilianism" (289). See n.11.=20

30. John Larner, "Chaucer's Italy," in = Chaucer and the=20 Italian Trecento, ed. Piero Boitani (Cambridge, Engl., 1983), = 20.=20

31. Giuseppe Mazzotta, Dante, Poet of the = Desert:=20 History and Allegory in the Divine Comedy (Princeton, 1979), = 196.=20

32. Teodelinda Barolini, Dante's Poets: = Textuality and=20 Truth in the Comedy (Princeton, 1984), 116.=20

33. Dante's vernacular contemporaries and = predecessors=20 were not wholly without classical knowledge or models, but they = took as=20 their classical model primarily Ovid--not Virgil, the preferred=20 representative of classical culture for Dante and his humanist = successors.=20 As Michelangelo Picone writes, "In verse 63 [of Inferno I], = in=20 fact, Virgil is described as a person surrounded by silence ('chi = per=20 lungo silenzio parea fioco' [one who seemed faint because of the = long=20 silence]). . . . Virgil is 'faint' [fioco] because his work was = unknown in=20 the thirteenth century, because in the century which ended with = Dante's=20 voyage his poetry was effectively dead. The auctor who made = Virgil=20 silent in the course of the thirteenth century is, naturally, = Ovid.=20 However, in the spring of 1300 Dante undertook to restore to = Virgil his=20 lost voice, and he did so in a way that was revolutionary for his = time. As=20 his guide on the journey which would take him to the top of the = 'sacro=20 monte' [sacred mountain] of Purgatory, Dante chose not the = expected Ovid=20 (whom his master Brunetto Latini had already selected in the=20 Tesoretto), but the improbable Virgil. As a result, the = year 1300=20 should have signalled, according to Dante, the moment of passage = from the=20 reading of Ovid to the reading of Virgil, a historical distinction = between=20 the age of Ovid (aetas ovidiana), which was coming to an = end, and=20 the age of Virgil (aetas virgiliana), which was just = dawning." See=20 "Dante and the Classics," in Dante: Contemporary = Perspectives, ed.=20 Amilcare A. Iannucci (Toronto, 1997), 54.=20

34. Barolini, 132.=20

35. Foster, 190.=20

36. As we shall see below, Dante is not = unequivocally=20 positive in his estimation of the classical values epitomized = here.=20 Barolini, for example, argues that this Virgilian exhortation is = an=20 example of the way in which Virgil "learns how to put even his bad = qualities to good use" (243). According to Barolini, Virgil = underestimates=20 the fickleness of earthly fame in his exhortation because of his = inability=20 to fathom the eternal endurance of the immortal soul, and yet his = words=20 have the desired effect of encouraging Dante to continue his = journey=20 (243-44). In this way, the exhortation embodies Virgil's pagan = limitations=20 despite its success and despite Dante's apparent admiration for = the pagan=20 virtues implied.=20

37. Barolini, 104.=20

38. Barolini, 108.=20

39. In the sixth chapter of the second book of = the De=20 Vulgari Eloquentia, Dante himself criticizes Guittone and = Guittone's=20 followers for their failure to aspire to greater poetic heights by = imitating classical authors. As Picone observes, "Dante concludes = this=20 chapter . . . with a polemic directed against Guittone and his = followers,=20 whom he accuses of 'plebescere.' That is, these poets have never = tried to=20 imitate the classics, and therefore they have never overcome their = own=20 parochial culture" (59).=20

40. As Ernst Robert Curtius has observed, = "Dante's meeting=20 with the bella scuola seals the reception of the Latin epic = into=20 the Christian cosmological poem." See European Literature and = the Latin=20 Middle Ages, trans. Willard R. Trask (New York, 1953), 18.=20

41. Foster, 156, 248-49.=20

42. Foster, 248. Criticism of Virgil's pagan = limitations=20 has become something of a commonplace among Dante scholars, as = evidenced=20 in essays by Kevin Brownlee, Robert Hollander, and Michael C. J. = Putnam in=20 recent collections of criticism--The Cambridge Companion to = Dante,=20 ed. Rachel Jacoff (Cambridge, Engl., 1993), The Poetry of = Allusion,=20 ed. Rachel Jacoff and Jeffrey T. Schnapp (Stanford, 1991), and = The=20 Classical Heritage, ed. Craig Kallendorf (New York, 1993). = Barolini=20 sees Dante as "furnishing--with respect to Vergil's = persona--simultaneous=20 accolade and displacement, and--with respect to his = text--simultaneous=20 citation and revision" (250). Similarly, Picone observes, "in the=20 Commedia Dante returns to the typological vision already = developed=20 in the Vita nuova: a vision which puts into perspective the = poetic=20 values articulated by the ancients and the moderns, and which = shows the=20 ideological limitations of classical poetry, and the necessity of = its=20 completion and validation by Romance poetry" (60-61). In many = respects,=20 Margherita Frankel's work on the way in which Dante reinterpreted=20 Virgilian images in relation to biblical imagery supports such a=20 conclusion. See "Biblical Figuration in Dante's Reading of the=20 Aeneid," Dante Studies 100 (1982): 13-23. Compare = Foster's=20 concluding characterization of Virgil: "whatever blame one might=20 eventually have to attach to Virgil on theological grounds . . . = what he=20 constantly and actively represents in the Poem is goodness at an = optimum=20 on the human level; that is, on the hither side of = Christian=20 holiness. . . . The only sin that we as readers are permitted to = ascribe=20 to Virgil is the 'rebellion' which he himself confesses on his = first=20 meeting with Dante in the Dark Wood. But this sin, so far as = the reader=20 can see, entails no flaw in his humanity. . . . In short, the = moral=20 nobility of Virgil as a visible persona in the Poem is = intact"=20 (247).=20

43. See also Cacciaguida's passionate charge to = Dante in=20 Paradiso XVII to become a prophetic, Christian poet, a = charge that=20 Dante ostensibly embraces and discharges by writing the Divine=20 Comedy.=20

44. Barolini, 269. Picone sees a division of = classical=20 poets into two camps in Dante's poem--the tragic poets of Limbo in = Inferno IV (Virgil, Homer, Lucan, Ovid, and Horace) and the = comic=20 poets mentioned by Statius and Virgil in Purgatorio XXII = (Terence,=20 Caecilius, Plautus, Persius, and Juvenal). Picone argues that this = division "is to direct the reader's attention towards the genre of = the=20 narrative to which the poema sacro belongs. The = Commedia=20 itself is therefore implied in this catalogue. In the = Commedia one=20 detects not just the imitatio of classical models but also = the=20 aemulatio, the overcoming of the limits of ancient Latin = comedy:=20 the modern comic poet, Dante, has overcome 'Terrenzio nostro=20 antico.' . . . It is a challenge launched by the modern=20 auctor against the classical auctores for supremacy = in the=20 field of poetic experimentation" (65).=20

45. Of the changing attitudes toward classical = culture,=20 Aldo S. Bernardo has observed, "Dante's substructure was what = might be=20 called biblical linearity, and any knowledge that strayed from = such=20 linearity was admirable but incomplete. . . . It was otherwise for = Petrarch, the Christian humanist. The human intellect had reached = its=20 zenith in classical times, and while Christian salvation may = indeed have=20 eluded the writers and heroes of those times, the products of = their minds=20 and actions could well be viewed as attesting to the greater glory = of God.=20 . . . Petrarch judged Vergil a great poet without reservation; = Dante=20 implies a reservation in Vergil's fate in the Comedy = despite the=20 special role he assigns to him in the poem. Indeed, Dante's = placing of=20 Aeneas in Limbo, Achilles in the circle of the lustful, and = Ulysses among=20 fraudulent counselors could only have contributed to Petrarch's = coolness=20 toward the Comedy. The classical-type hero, though bereft = of=20 Christian grace, still appealed to Petrarch." See "Petrarch, = Dante, and=20 the Medieval Tradition," in Renaissance Humanism: Foundations, = Forms,=20 and Legacy, ed. Albert Rabil, Jr. (Philadelphia, 1988), 1: = 119-20.=20 Jennifer Petrie, however, reminds us that we should not overlook = the=20 similarities between Dante and Petrarch, most especially in "the = immense=20 admiration of both poets for Virgil." See "Dante and Petrarch," in = Dante Comparisons: Comparative Studies of Dante and: Montale, = Foscolo,=20 Tasso, Chaucer, Petrarch, Propertius and Catullus, ed. Eric = Haywood=20 and Barry Jones (Dublin, 1985), 139. As Petrie observes, the = opposition=20 between Dante and Petrarch is clear, but Dante anticipates and = influences=20 Petrarch's tastes in several fundamental respects.=20

46. Dante's fight with the humanists is not = limited to=20 issues of language and religion. It also extends to hermeneutics. = William=20 Franke sees in Dante's reinvention of Statius as a Christian--and = in the=20 way Dante's Statius freely reinterprets Virgil in order to come to = his=20 Christian conversion--a sign of how "Dante remains innocent of the = illusory ideal, invented by the humanists, of an objective meaning = of a=20 traditionary text to be ascertained by disinterested philological = method."=20 See Dante's Interpretive Journey (Chicago, 1996), 198.=20

47. Caesar, 9-12; compare Larner, 22-29=20

48. Quoted in Caesar, 156-57.=20

49. Larner, 22.=20

50. Some critics have seen in The House of = Fame a=20 negative reaction to Christian dogmatism and an exploration of = "skeptical=20 fideism." See, for example, Sheila Delany, Chaucer's House of = Fame: The=20 Poetics of Skeptical Fideism (Chicago, 1972). On the other = hand, other=20 critics suggest that Chaucer's poem offers a religious resolution = that=20 aspires to higher Christian poetry not unlike Dante's. See, for = example,=20 B. G. Koonce, Chaucer and the Tradition of Fame (Princeton, = 1966),=20 and Roberta L. Payne, The Influence of Dante on Medieval = English Dream=20 Visions (New York, 1989). The issue of Chaucer's relation to = Christian=20 dogma and Christian poetry is beyond the scope of the present = study, but=20 Lisa J. Kiser's conclusion seems to me solid and reasonable: "most = critics=20 have rightly seen that Chaucer's response to the writers in the = visionary=20 tradition, Dante included, is not without irony--even high = comedy--for=20 The House of Fame often subverts the common themes and = conventions=20 these writers employed in their visions. The comic eagle ride = Chaucer=20 shows himself taking on the way to Fame's house and Fame's own = grotesque=20 parody of God's judicial role are only two of the scenes that = militate=20 against any interpretation of The House of Fame as a = serious work=20 in the Christian visionary tradition." See Truth and Textuality = in=20 Chaucer's Poetry (Hanover, 1991), 26.=20

51. Spearing, 28.=20

52. Significantly, Chaucer's invocation ends = with another=20 quotation from Dante: "Now entre in my brest anoon!" (HF = 1109). But=20 in this quotation, Chaucer cuts off Dante's thought in = mid-sentence:=20 "Entra nel petto mio, e spira tue / s=EC come quando Mars=EFa = traesti / de la=20 vagina de le membra sue" ("Enter in my breast, and breathe as when = you=20 drew Marsyas from the sheath of his limbs," Par I.19-21). = One=20 almost gets the impression that Chaucer wants us to imagine that = he began=20 to quote Dante word for word but halted at the violence of Dante's = image=20 of being flayed alive and thought better of continuing--as if = Chaucer's=20 poetic ambitions, unlike Dante's, have their limits in terms of = what=20 Chaucer is willing to suffer for his art.=20

53. John M. Fyler, Chaucer and Ovid (New = Haven,=20 1979), 25.=20

54. If, for example, Dante and Petrarch pushed = their=20 immediate precursors into the past by replacing Ovid with Virgil = (see=20 Picone, 54), Chaucer reverses the process and restores Ovid to = prominence.=20 Fyler has ably traced Chaucer's pronounced affinity with "the poet = whom he=20 honors as 'Venus clerk, Ovide, / That hath ysowen wonder wide / = The grete=20 god of Loves name'" (17).=20

55. Patterson, "'What Man Artow?'" 120.=20

56. Michaela Paasche Grudin argues that Chaucer = shares=20 with Petrarch and Petrarch's followers an "interest in speech. . . = . For=20 Chaucer, as for the early humanists, the study of speech promises = to=20 uncover the hidden premises of society." See Chaucer and the = Politics=20 of Discourse (Columbia, 1996), 2. But Grudin herself notes = that in the=20 House of Fame Chaucer "touches on all areas of the = humanists'=20 praise of speech and sets their estimate on its head. It is as if = he had=20 resolved to reverse every one of their ideas of speech as = philosophical=20 inquiry, as community, intelligence, justice, understanding, and = morality"=20 (36). Certainly, many critics have viewed Chaucer as less a = Renaissance=20 figure of the Petrarchan mold than a medieval one. A. J. Minnis, = for=20 example, argues that "we may detect a distinctive 'Renaissance' = quality in=20 the classicism of Il Filostrato and Il Teseida, and = it is=20 precisely this quality which Chaucer eliminated in Troilus = and=20 The Knight's Tale respectively." See Chaucer and Pagan=20 Antiquity (Cambridge, Engl., 1982), 10. Wallace has used the=20 Clerk's Tale to argue even more specifically for Chaucer's=20 opposition to Petrarch and Petrarch's followers on both political = and=20 linguistic grounds. My evidence here from the House of Fame = largely=20 supports and expands Wallace's conclusions about Chaucer's = fundamental=20 critique of Petrarch. Likewise, Wallace's evidence from the = Clerk's=20 Tale supports my claim here that Chaucer is trying to push = Petrarch=20 into the past in order to make his own mark as a poet. As Wallace = observes=20 of the Clerk's Tale, "[i]t is a nice Chaucerian touch that = the last=20 worldly sound associated with 'the lauriat poete' should be not = the=20 applause of the Academy but the hammering of the artisans who nail = down=20 his coffin" ("'Whan She Translated Was,'" 215). Like Dante, = Chaucer=20 appears to want to push his literary precursors safely into the = afterlife,=20 where they can be contained and effectively silenced.=20

57. Bourdieu, 42. Katherine H. Terrell has = argued that=20 "Chaucer progressively dissolves the apparently immutable = authority of=20 received texts, and instead invests the reader with a significant = measure=20 of hermeneutic authority over literary truth." See "Reallocation = of=20 Hermeneutic Authority in Chaucer's House of Fame," = ChauR 31=20 (1997): 279-290 (279). I agree wholeheartedly with the first half = of this=20 statement, but as for the second half, I suspect that Chaucer = hopes to=20 invest himself--rather than the reader--"with a significant = measure=20 of hermeneutic authority over literary truth" in order to corner = the=20 market on literary legitimacy, displace the humanist/classical=20 author(itie)s, and perpetuate his own reputation indefinitely into = the=20 future. In this respect, I agree with Gellrich, who, for example,=20 maintains that "[t]he use of sources about Aeneas in Chaucer's = poem is not=20 . . . a confused collation of bits and pieces that ought to be = appreciated=20 only for their moments of greatness. Nor does Chaucer oppose two = strands=20 within tradition and draw a blank, leaving us with unavoidable = skepticism.=20 Rather, he has opposed his own text to the Book of the past, and = this=20 opposition has an unmistakable resolution. Chaucer has made his = choice=20 very clearly in favor of his own text, the language of poetry and = its=20 capacity to explore old books" (174). According to Gellrich, = Chaucer=20 engages in "[t]he dislocation of authority from the voice of the = past to=20 the play of signifying in the text" (199), with, I would argue, = the result=20 of privileging his own text over the voices of the past.=20

58. The opening of the prologue to the Legend = of Good=20 Women gives ample evidence of Chaucer's humor and of his pride = in his=20 provincial English roots. In the opening lines of the poem, = Chaucer notes=20 that "[a] thousand tymes have I herd men telle / That ther ys joy = in=20 hevene and peyne in helle, / And I acorde wel that it ys so" (F = 1-3), but=20 Chaucer proudly continues, "natheles, yet wot I wel also / That = ther nis=20 noon dwellyng in this contree / That eyther hath in hevene or = helle ybe"=20 (F 4-6). His down-to-earth English sensibility leads him to = exclaim, "God=20 forbede but men shulde leve / Wel more thing then men han seen = with ye!"=20 (F 10-11). In this way, he openly eschews the epic pretensions of = the=20 Italian Dante, who does not share the earth(l)y practicality of = those=20 "dwellyng in this contree" and who, in ambitious imitation of = classical=20 epic poetry, makes extravagant claims about the afterlife that are = indeed=20 "[w]el more thing then men han seen with ye." Chaucer's claims for = his=20 poetry are not nearly so grandiose or presumptuous. As the Miller = on the=20 Canterbury pilgrimage observes in the prologue to his tale, "[a]n=20 housbonde shal nat been inquisityf / Of Goddes pryvetee, nor of = his wyf"=20 (MilT 3163-64). Compare Ellis, 290-91.=20

59. Lydgate in Brewer 1: 53=20

60. Bourdieu, 113.=20

61. Spearing, 59.=20

62. Spearing, 59.=20

http://0-muse.jhu.edu.opac.sfsu.edu:80/journals/chaucer_review/= v035/35.2steinberg.html=20
 
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