From: Subject: Edward Peters - The Desire to Know the Secrets of the World - Journal of the History of Ideas 62:4 Date: Mon, 3 May 2004 20:39:03 -0700 MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: multipart/related; boundary="----=_NextPart_000_011F_01C4314E.ABE41C40"; type="text/html" X-MimeOLE: Produced By Microsoft MimeOLE V6.00.2800.1409 This is a multi-part message in MIME format. ------=_NextPart_000_011F_01C4314E.ABE41C40 Content-Type: text/html; charset="Windows-1252" Content-Transfer-Encoding: quoted-printable Content-Location: http://0-muse.jhu.edu.opac.sfsu.edu/journals/journal_of_the_history_of_ideas/v062/62.4peters.html Edward Peters - The Desire to Know the Secrets of the = World - Journal of the History of Ideas 62:4
Copyright =A9 2001 The Journal of the = History of Ideas,=20 Inc. All rights reserved.

Journal of = the=20 History of Ideas 62.4 (2001) 593-610=20
 
[Access=20 article in PDF]=20

The Desire to Know the Secrets of = the World

Edward Peters =

I. The letter to Ferdinand and Isabella that = Christopher=20 Columbus intended to serve as the preface to the Libro de las=20 profec=EDas began with a remarkable observation about his own = career and=20 the particular temperament it had shaped in him:=20

From a very young age I began to = navigate the=20 seas, and I have continued to do so until today. This art = inclines those=20 who follow it to desire to know the secrets of this world. = 1

Although Columbus was certainly not unlearned, = there is=20 an artlessness and directness about his remark that suggest that = whatever=20 Columbus may have meant by "the secrets of the world" and the = desire of=20 navigators to know them, he was probably not speaking reconditely = or=20 mystically. 2 [End Page 593]=20

Nor was Columbus the only early = sixteenth-century=20 practical man who spoke this way. The letters of Hern=E1n = Cort=E9s, hardly a=20 philosopher or a navigator, pointed out to correspondents that it = was "a=20 universal condition of man to want to know," and that he was first = of all=20 desirous of knowledge "of the secrets of these parts"; that "many = new=20 secrets" had been learned from the discoveries; of a volcano, "I = wished to=20 know the secret of this, which seemed something of a miracle." = 3=20

If practical folk could speak thus at the turn = of the=20 sixteenth century, it is not surprising that in the course of that = century=20 their rulers should appropriate the language of secrets, including = the=20 secrets of distant places, and the desire to know them and in = doing so to=20 transform their realms into information-gathering states, using = detailed=20 questionaires to assemble and organize new data just as they = assembled=20 cabinets of curiosities, libraries, zoos, observatories, and = botanical=20 gardens. As J. H. Elliott put it:=20

But curiosity also had its due place = within a=20 wider Christian framework. At the end of the century, Jos=E9 de = Acosta, in=20 his great Natural and Moral History of the Indies, = likened men to=20 ants in their refusal to let themselves be deterred, once they = had set=20 out on their quest for facts. "And the high and eternal wisdom = of the=20 Creator uses this natural curiosity of men to communicate the = light of=20 His holy gospel to peoples who still live in the darkness of = their=20 errors." This assumption, that all knowledge was subordinated to = a=20 higher purpose and fitted into a providential design, was = crucial for=20 the assimilation of the New World of America by = sixteenth-century=20 Christendom. 4

Elliott's characterization of an honorific = Christian=20 intellectual curiosity represented a very small part of a very = complex=20 semantic universe that centered on the Latin term = curiositas and=20 its vernacular cognates, not all of whose meanings were neutral or = honorific. Just three years before Acosta wrote there had, after = all,=20 appeared the first printed history of Doctor Faustus, another=20 sixteenth-century practical man who was also interested in the = secrets of=20 the world. 5 And not [End Page 594] too many = years after=20 Acosta wrote, another practical being, Milton's Lucifer, also went = forth=20 boldly to seek new worlds. 6 Only in a restricted sense could the = desire to know=20 the secrets of the world be understood in the way that Columbus, = Cort=E9s,=20 Philip II, and Acosta celebrated it. In many cases it had to be = extricated=20 from a semantic universe in which it had long been identified with = less=20 honorable motives and more dangerous or ephemeral objects.=20

The most influential exploration of part of = that semantic=20 universe appeared in Hans Blumenberg's long essay entitled, "The = 'Trial'=20 of Theoretical Curiosity," first published as part of a larger = work in=20 1966, later slightly revised and separately reprinted, and = translated into=20 English in 1983. 7 Blumenberg's particular understanding of = the history=20 of philosophy, however, and his narrow focus on the natural = sciences as=20 the arena of "theoretical" curiosity limited both his = conceptualization=20 and his argument. In 1973 Heiko Oberman published a strong = critique aimed=20 at Blumenberg's indifference to the moral context of late antique, = medieval, and reformation thought. 8 Subsequently a number of other scholars,=20 particularly Richard Newhauser, have addressed various aspects of = the=20 historical problem. 9 [End Page 595]=20

The operative terms in Columbus's letter are=20 desire and secrets. Precisely this combination of = terms had=20 long troubled moralists, philosophers, and religious thinkers. = Their=20 concerns were not, of course, primarily or essentially a = manifestation of=20 anti-intellectualism or "primitivism," as some scholars have = called them,=20 but those of epistemology and morality. From the earliest Greek = literature=20 to the early modern history of Europe, all the dimensions and = inspirations=20 of appetite and desire--from the merely distracting to the = erotic--were=20 matters of considerable and various debate, as was the value of = knowledge=20 of the secrets that the wide world may have been thought to = contain.=20

The debates concerning the validity of = knowledge gained=20 by travel and observation began in the ancient world with Homer = and=20 continued through Platonic and Stoic ethics and epistemology, the = work of=20 ethnographers and historians, Augustan political propagandists, = and the=20 romances of Alexander the Great. At one pole there is the position = taken=20 in one of the texts of the CorpusHermeticum. The Kore = kosmou=20 depicts Hermes enclosing the spirits of demiurges in human bodies = as=20 punishment for their having exceeded the divine mandate that = defined the=20 limits of their ability to create. But as Hermes is at work the = figure of=20 Momos appears, majestic and terrible, warning that the new humans = may be=20 more dangerous to the universe than the old demiurges:=20

It is a courageous thing you have done = to=20 have created man, this being with curious eyes and a bragging = tongue....=20 [He] will push his designing thoughts even to the limits of the=20 earth.... They will extend their audacious, busy hands even to = the edge=20 of the sea. They will cut down the forests, and they will drive = the=20 forests over the seas from bank to bank, all the way to those = lands that=20 are furthest away. They will seek out even the nature which = hides itself=20 deep beneath inaccessible sanctuaries. They will even seek out = the=20 truths on high, eager to learn by their own observations the = established=20 order of celestial movements. 10

Momos's speech is virtually a program for later = antique=20 and medieval Alexander-literature and other moral strictures = related to=20 intellectual inquiry.=20

At the other pole is a casual observation by = Plutarch. At=20 the beginning of the De defectu oraculorum (Moralia = 410B)=20 two figures appear who might have stepped out of the texts of = Hecateus or=20 Herodotus but who seem to illustrate some quite respectable = practices of=20 Plutarch's own day:=20

Yet a short time before the Pythian = games=20 held by Callistratus, two worthy men coming from the ends of the = earth=20 met at Delphi, Demetrius [End Page 596] the Grammarian = returning=20 from Britain to Tarsus, which was his own land, and Cleombrotus = the=20 Spartan. Cleombrotus had wandered in Egypt and in the land of = the=20 Troglodytes, and he had sailed beyond the Red Sea. But he did = not travel=20 for business; rather, he was a man desirous of seeing and = learning. He=20 had enough wealth and felt that it was not necessary to have = more than=20 enough, so he used his leisure for collecting knowledge as if it = were=20 the material for philosophy, which, as he said, had theology as = its=20 ultimate purpose.

Thus, for all the moral and epistemological = strictures=20 against the validity of knowledge acquired by travel and = discovery--and=20 their echoes in comic literature, biography, history, morality, = politics,=20 and romance in the Hellenistic world--the counter-theme of = informed and=20 enlightening travel survived handily in both practice and theory. = The=20 curiositas mirabilium may indeed have been unbecoming, as = it was in=20 the Stoic and other criticism of Alexander and in some later = Christian=20 morality, or it may have been appropriate if it was a legitimate = part of=20 the polymathy of the Hellenistic scholar, the learned dilletante, = or the=20 devout pilgrim, as it was in the reputations of Panaetius, = Posidonius,=20 Eratosthenes, the Chinese traveller Mo Ji, the wonderful Buddhist=20 monk-pilgrim Xuanzang, and Plutarch's friend Cleombrotus the = Spartan.=20 11=20

In much Greek literature the unseemly interest = in=20 acquiring knowledge was designated by terms that are not exactly=20 translated by the modern word curiosity or the early Latin = meanings of=20 curiositas. The Greeks, who are sometimes said to have had = a word=20 for everything, originally had no word for curiosity. The words=20 periergia, polupragmosune, historein, = zetein,=20 and tolma originally designated less the modern (or the = Latin)=20 sense of curiosity than (respectively) fussiness, over-attention = to=20 detail, pointless wandering purely for personal distraction, = interference=20 in the affairs of others, to investigate, to do research, and = especially a=20 kind of shameless audacity that verges on sacrilege. Plutarch's = well-known=20 essay Peri polupragmosunes (De curiositate, = Moralia=20 525B-523) focuses on the vicious character of individual, perhaps=20 obsessive, nosiness (although Plutarch also urges travel and other = kinds=20 of intellectual investigation as a remedy for the domestic = curiosity that=20 he attacks), and especially in Stoic moral thought = polupragmosune /=20 curiositas became one of the passions of the soul that needed = to be=20 curbed. [End Page 597]=20

II. Latin Christian thinkers, beginning with = Tertullian,=20 took up some of the earlier senses of curiositas, but the = Christian=20 idea of curiositas could not dismiss the distant parts of = the world=20 outright, for "Christianity itself had begun with the journey of = Mary and=20 Joseph to Bethlehem, the shepherds and Magi, the flight into = Egypt, the=20 dispersion of the apostles at Pentecost, and the travels of Paul, = Silas,=20 and Barnabas across the Mediterranean and the oikoumene, = and the=20 alleged missions of Thomas and Bartholomew to India." 12 The Christian appropriation of Jewish = scripture=20 (especially Ps. 18 [19]: 5), of course, included other journeys as = well.=20 13 To reach the Holy Land itself required = travel for=20 most Christians, particularly those in Europe. As Mary Campbell = has=20 pointed out, "Christianity is in fact the first Western religion = in which=20 the sacred territory is located emphatically Elsewhere." 14 Not only pilgrimage in space but the = actual=20 existence of the Christian was a peregrinatio, the = existence of a=20 stranger in a strange land, as the first epistle of Peter stated = (1 Peter=20 2:11). Christians were to consider themselves viatores in=20 peregrinatione, homines viatores. 15=20

Initially in Latin Christian usage, = curiositas had=20 little to do with travel, and Christian attitudes toward many = forms of=20 zetesis remained ambiguous. 16 For Augustine, curiositas, a word = first=20 widely circulated, if not actually coined, by Apuleius and = Tertullian, was=20 initially a particularly personal vice of his own, one that = paralleled=20 pride and lust in his exegesis of 1 John 2: 15-16--consisting = chiefly of a=20 forgetfulness of self that was suggested by the misplaced = cura that=20 distracted the Christian from his duty to consider his own = spiritual=20 condition. 17 Only later in the Confessions = (Book X), and=20 in Augustine's later writings did curiositas become = generalized as=20 a common vice, one that found a place in schemes of the vices = primarily as=20 a tint--it could tint pride, for example, by contributing the = dimension of=20 intellectual audacity or pride in knowledge, as it did in the work = of=20 Gregory the Great; it could tint avarice by contributing the = dimension of=20 unseemly [End Page 598] cupidity for knowledge. It could = also=20 function in connection with still other vices, notably = acedia.=20 18 In the general scheme of Christian moral = psychology it could then designate the traveller's essential and=20 preliminary restlessness and dissatisfaction with self and the = consequent=20 capacity to become distracted by trivial objects of interest.=20

In terms of travel, then, even pilgrimage might = in some=20 cases reflect the vice, as Christian Zacher pointed out some years = ago.=20 19 Hans Blumenberg, in one of his few = references to=20 travel, considered the inordinate appetite for experience on the = part of=20 Dante's Ulysses (Inferno 26) as the prime medieval example. = Yet=20 curiositas in Christian morality was a subtle and complex = vice, and=20 understanding it requires considerable sensitivity to nuance and = detail. I=20 would suggest that Zacher paints it with too broad a brush, and = Blumenberg=20 with a brush too narrow. It can neither be applied mechanically to = entire=20 classes of experience and disposition, nor can it be restricted to = an=20 exiguous model of the history of experimental science without = considering=20 its connotations in palaeopsychology, moral philosophy, and = theology.=20

In the case of northern Europe, we must also = consider=20 some matters of geographical perspective. Europe after the sixth = century=20 was located only partly in that Mediterranean world whose western = edges=20 had seemed so final and forbidding to Pindar, but also so = ambiguously=20 promising to Seneca and others. And Christian Europe also had a = new shape=20 and new relations with the lands and peoples beyond it. 20 Not only did it have a vast network of = rivers that=20 ran to the Baltic and North seas, the Atlantic, and the = Mediterranean, but=20 also the most indented coastline in the world, nearly as long as = the=20 Equator itself, a coastline that was laced with islands that were = located=20 along increasingly well known sea-lanes, sailed by sailors who, = like=20 Sinbad, eagerly listened to tales and spun their own yarns. In the = Old=20 Norse Gr=E6nlendinga Saga, for example, Bjarni Herjolfsson = is=20 criticized for lacking curiosity and having too little to say = about the=20 new lands he has found.=20

III. Much ancient travel lore and opinion was = preserved=20 and available in the work of earlier geographers and = ethnographers,=20 finding its way into both texts and mappae mundi. 21 And the obligation to spread the Gospel = throughout=20 the (at [End Page 599] first, only Roman) world gradually = came to=20 be understood as indicating a wider conversion mandate. The = distinctive=20 northern European perspective suggests both a metaphorical and an=20 empirical validation of travel and physical mobility generally and = moral=20 rationalizations for it in medieval Christian Europe that have no = exact=20 parallel in the literature of antiquity. The created world was a = book, one=20 of the two, the other being revelation, that God had given to = humans.=20 Although the book of nature might be misunderstood or misused, it = could=20 not be neglected. 22=20

The geographical reconfiguration of Christian = Europe also=20 placed objects of particular veneration and wonder immediately on = the=20 periphery of the new northern European world, some of it part of = the older=20 Mediterranean oikoumene. Rome and Constantinople both = contained=20 wonders as well as holy places, and the genre mirabilia urbis = Romae=20 can trace its northern European history from the seventh century = and a=20 continuous interest from the late eleventh and twelfth centuries. = These=20 objects of piety and wonder were contiguous with the space of = northern=20 Europe itself, from which there was a logical and linear = progression out=20 to the Holy Land and its own increasingly catalogued wonders. = 23 In the course of the crusades, and = especially in=20 the aftermath of the Fourth Crusade, some of these wonders became=20 Europeans' first "marvellous possessions"--the relics that flooded = western=20 Europe after 1099 and especially after 1204. In this sense many = aspects of=20 wonder, including distant wonder, may be said to have been = domesticated in=20 and appropriated by the European imagination during the eleventh = and=20 twelfth centuries.=20

Nor were pilgrims the only ones who had need = of--and=20 acquired--information about distant places. Although ideas about = the=20 education of rulers varied in content between the fifth and the = sixteenth=20 centuries, one of the most consistent items in the royal = curriculum was=20 historical geography. 24 Not only were rulers expected to know = their own=20 lands, especially their more remote and unknown parts, but they = were also=20 expected to know about lands generally. Gerald of Wales undertook = to=20 describe Ireland to its new ruler, Henry II of England, for = example,=20 because in Ireland Gerald, "had seen many things not found in = other=20 countries and entirely unknown, and at the same time worthy of = some wonder=20 because of their novelty." 25 Gerald even puts Henry II of England = into the=20 context of the marvelous, by comparing him to Alexander the Great: = [End=20 Page 600]=20

Your victories vie with the whole round = of=20 the world. Our western Alexander, you have stretched your arm = from the=20 Pyrenean mountains even to these far western bounds of the = northern=20 ocean. As many as are the lands provided by nature in these = parts, so=20 many are your victories. 26 Then, if you bid me, I shall attempt = to describe=20 the manner in which the Irish world has been added to your = titles and=20 tiumphs; with what great and laudable valor you have penetrated = the=20 secrets of the ocean and the hidden things of nature.... 27

Some few decades earlier, Abu Abdullah Muhammad = al-Edrisi=20 had written the Book of Roger for Roger II of Sicily, = another=20 geographical compendium designed for royal needs. 28=20

A little over a century later, the chronicler = Salimbene=20 told of an incident in the life of Pedro III of Aragon (r. = 1276-85) that=20 suggests another aspect of this topic. Pointing out that Pedro was = a man=20 of great audacity and ambition, Salimbene then gets to the heart = of his=20 understanding of Pedro's courage. The mountain of Canigou had = never been=20 inhabited or climbed by humans because of its great height and the = difficulties the climb posed. Pedro, however, wishing to know what = was at=20 the top, climbed to the summit, even though his two companions = failed and=20 turned back. When he reached the top, he threw a stone into the = lake at=20 the summit, and a terrible dragon arose from the waters and = troubled the=20 air, although Pedro returned safely to his companions and told = them of his=20 adventures. Salimbene concludes, now in awe of Pedro: "I myself = believe=20 that this feat of Peter of Aragon can be compared with the deeds = of=20 Alexander, who also undertook many dangerous and terrible = adventures in=20 order to deserve further praise." Salimbene tells the story = without any=20 hint of moral or any other kind of criticism.=20

During the thirteenth century even the lands = beyond Islam=20 and Byzantium were brought into contact with western Europe, = because of=20 the Mongol conquests and the missions to the khans. In the reports = of=20 Giovanni del Pian Carpini and William of Rubruck this European = observation=20 and minimal narration is illustrated in the work of two writers = with no=20 known previous geographical interests [End Page 601] or = experience=20 who have been sent on a mission and travel because they have been = ordered=20 to do so for the good of Christendom. Marco Polo also travelled on = a=20 straightforward, ordinary enterprise, and although his text is far = more=20 problematic than those of the mendicant relations, it too = represents less=20 a "fabulous" East than an East that can be reached and demystified = and=20 accounted for in terms used to describe events and places far = nearer home.=20

These accounts did not necessarily reach wide = audiences,=20 but they were there for those who were interested. Rustichello da = Pisa's=20 prologue to Marco Polo's story made the point:=20

So I would have you know that from the = time=20 when our lord God formed Adam our first parent with His hands = down to=20 this day, there has been no man, Christian or pagan, Tartar or = Indian,=20 or of any race whatsoever, who has known or explored so many of = the=20 various parts of the world and its great wonders as this same = Messer=20 Marco Polo.... 29

The increasing frequency of discussions of = journeys to=20 the Holy Land and the farthest East coincided not only with the = Christian=20 identity as homo viator but also with the doctrine that the = world=20 is the Lord's and the fullness thereof. The world and its secrets = were=20 good in ways that they could not have been for a pre-Christian = critic or=20 enthusiast of travel. Thirteenth-century popes, especially = Innocent IV=20 (1243-54), carefully laid out the rights of non-Christians in = encounters=20 with Christian powers and laid the foundations of the principles = of the=20 legitimacy of Christian intervention in the affairs of = non-Christians=20 outside Europe. 30=20

Christianity also, of course, had some built-in = strictures. One of these was the problem of the population of the=20 Antipodes and the location of the Earthly Paradise. Even here, = however, as=20 the Navigatio Sancti Brendani suggests, there was = considerable=20 latitude in the cases of particularly holy men, even if the=20 Brendan-narrative itself is a Christianized form of the older = Irish=20 immrama. 31 Nor were [End Page 602] Brendan = and=20 Barrindus the only saintly voyagers in hagiography, as witness the = travels=20 and elaborate sea-going research program of St. Ursula and the = Eleven=20 Thousand Virgins and the new popularity of the stories of Thomas = and=20 Bartholomew in Gerald of Wales's Gemma Ecclesiastica and = the=20 Legenda Aurea.=20

But where exactly were the Antipodes and the = Earthly=20 Paradise? Did the Antipodes exist, and if they did, were they = inhabited?=20 In the case of the Earthly Paradise, did it still remain as a = distinct=20 locus, and if so, is it licit to seek for it, gaze at it, = or make=20 it an object of study and perhaps discovery? 32 But the argument for the = circumnavigability of the=20 earth was distinct from that of the prohibited Antipodes, since = the earth=20 could in theory be circumnavigated entirely in the northern = hemisphere, an=20 idea held by Nicole Oresme, among others, that persisted in the = much later=20 search for the Northwest Passage and the world of Lewis and Clark. = 33=20

The prohibition of voyaging to the (southern = hemisphere)=20 Antipodes and their association with the location of the Earthly = Paradise=20 came together in Dante's Purgatorio (27-28) after having = been=20 dramatically prefigured in Inferno 26. These constitute = Dante's=20 unique contribution to spiritual geography and reflect again the=20 originality and inventiveness of the poet.=20

Dante the pilgrim's own travels in the = Commedia=20 were in areas absolutely forbidden to humans--and yet they = revealed the=20 most important knowledge of all, which is why Dante and Vergil = carefully=20 and repeatedly validate the pilgrim's authorization to make the = journeys=20 he does. 34 The infinite variety of creation was a = lesson to=20 man--as were monsters--of the limitless and inexhaustible power of = God. As=20 Francesco Pippino said in the preface to his Latin translation of = Marco=20 Polo,=20

And that this labor may not seem too = vain or=20 useless I considered that from the reading of this book faithful = men can=20 win from the Lord the merit of manifold grace ... because = observing the=20 wonderful things of [End Page 603] God in the variety of = things=20 said and the greatness of the creatures they will be able to = wonder with=20 more wonder at His power and wisdom. 35

If the variety of the world, its "secrets" in = this sense,=20 existed to demonstrate to man the power of his Creator, then = failure to=20 encounter that variety might be considered a failure in religious = duty.=20

The world of God's wonders was exhaustive--and = reachable.=20 The isles of Brendan contributed to the idea that a chain of = islands=20 extended from Europe to Asia, a theory enhanced by the discovery = of the=20 Azores and the Canaries in the fourteenth century. Although God = had ringed=20 the earth with sea, He had also filled the sea with islands. Nor = only do=20 islands appear prominently in the Navigatio and in Marco = Polo, but=20 in Mandeville as well. Early in the fifteenth century another = returning=20 Venetian traveller, Niccol=F2 de'Conti, told of the Spice Islands, = the=20 Moluccas, and his information was translated into cartography in = the=20 Genoese map of 1457. Almost twenty years later, Paolo Toscanelli, = in the=20 famous letter to Martins, insisted upon the easy accessibility of = the=20 Antilles. Nearly twenty years after the Toscanelli letter, of = course,=20 Christopher Columbus thought that he had reached precisely that = chain of=20 islands, and they figure prominently in the earliest illustrations = of=20 Columbus's letter of 1493 to Santangel and Sanchez. 36 A myth, the "region away from the = sunrise," was in=20 fact discovered. And travellers and sailors had no more = reservations about=20 correcting the geographical wisdom of received authorities than = Albertus=20 Magnus had in correcting Aristotle on the basis of observed = experience.=20

For every moral stricture against travel = medieval western=20 Europeans could offer a ready-made counter-argument. In the case = of travel=20 both morality and experience collaborated in sustaining the = legitimacy of=20 finding out the world's wonders, over land as well as over sea, = and this=20 legitimacy increased during the thirteenth and fourteenth = centuries. The=20 Navigatio Sancti Brendani remained extremely popular and = underwent=20 a number of vernacular translations in the fourteenth and = fifteenth=20 centuries. Marco Polo's book circulated widely, although not as = widely as=20 Mandeville's Travels. Mandeville's temperament was = traditional, but=20 it reflects the new assimilation of information about the far = reaches of=20 the world that is not used as an organizing principle, but as a = simple=20 fact about some regions. [End Page 604]=20

The progression in Mandeville's book, modeled = as it is on=20 the account of William of Boldensele, needed little modification = at=20 Mandeville's hands. Nor does Mandeville bother to narrate all that = he=20 claims to have seen (echoing a remark attributed to Marco Polo). = 37 Mandeville manages to combine a = surprising number=20 of the features of medieval Latin Christian Europe that I have = considered=20 so far: piety, pilgrimage, preaching, the wonders of the created = world,=20 the ethical and political lessons to be learned elsewhere, even = the=20 monsters. In a particularly striking passage Mandeville even asks = why it=20 is that Europeans seem to need travel and the remotest parts of = the world=20 more than other cultures do. His answer is that Europeans are more = astrologically inclined to travel than other peoples because they = live=20 under the sign of the Moon. 38=20

It is easy to dismiss astrological = Eurocentrism--as it is=20 tempting to dismiss so much else in Mandeville--but it would be a = mistake=20 to do so. Mandeville wrote as he did because he noticed something = about=20 the travel literature from which he had made his book and about = the=20 travellers themselves. It was not mere distraction and local=20 dissatisfaction that drove them across the earth but what he saw = as their=20 distinctive share of human nature. For Mandeville the astrological = explanation is a naturalistic device, offering an explanation in=20 characterological terms that is consistent with the elements of = Christian=20 culture and the historical circumstances of European varieties and = destinations of travel. To Mandeville neither earlier travellers = nor=20 "Mandeville" himself are in any way exceptional. To see Mandeville = as a=20 catchment area for medieval "exoticism" is to read him far = differently=20 from the way the author expected to be--or was--read. Mandeville's = wonders=20 are simply the ordinary furniture of the distant parts of the = world, and=20 his book is no more or less exotic than contemporary proposals for = reform=20 and crusade which it in many ways resembles.=20

IV. Thus far both the secrets of the world and = the desire=20 to know them are potentially accessible and useful to Europeans. = Both=20 their accessibility and their legitimacy have, if anything, = increased=20 since the eleventh century. But the secrets of the world do not = lie only=20 across vast stretches of land or water. They also exist in the = bowels of=20 the earth--as the experience of earthquakes and volcanoes = indicates--as=20 well as under the sea, and in the sky. Neither Mandeville nor = Columbus, of=20 course, expressed any interest in these locations, but others did = and=20 still others later would. [End Page 605]=20

The most interesting body of literature on = these aspects=20 of the secrets of the world is the medieval Alexander-literature. = 39 From Arrian to Pseudo-Callisthenes, of = course, the=20 ancient world had used Alexander as a figure to treat a number of = themes,=20 including the unquenchable desire for conquest so sharply = criticized by=20 the Indian gymnosophists in the Hellenistic Alexander-romances. In = Walter=20 of Ch=E2tillon's Alexandreis the old Stoic-Indian = gymnosophists have=20 become the Scythians, who criticize Alexander's avarice but speak = of it in=20 terms highly reminiscent of other discussions of = curiositas.=20 40=20

The Scythian gymnosophists' prophecies are = echoed in the=20 journey of Natura into the underworld in Book X. Enraged and = frightened by=20 the prospect of Alexander's being "the prince, who'd called / the = earth=20 too narrow and prepared armed throngs / to lay open her secret = parts,"=20 Natura goes to Hell and seeks out Leviathan, telling him that = Alexander=20 proposes to find the hidden source of the Nile and then to besiege = Paradise itself. Leviathan accuses Alexander of planning to = penetrate=20 infernal Chaos and lays the plans for Alexander's poisoning. = Alexander=20 himself contemplates passing the pillars of Hercules and = conquering the=20 western sun--a passage not dissimilar to Dante's version of = Ulysses'=20 speech in Inferno 26 and possibly a neglected analogue if = not a=20 source of that much-debated episode. 41=20

The tenth book of the Alexandreis = constituted a=20 useful launching pad for later elaborations of the theme laid out = by the=20 Scythians and feared by Natura and Leviathan. For it is in the = subsequent=20 Alexander-literature that Alexander is taken up as a seeker of the = Earthly=20 Paradise, the deviser of a glass diving-bell in which to explore = the=20 bottom of the sea (St. Augustine knew what the fishes see: = inania et=20 praeterfluentia), and finally, drawn by eagles (or vultures, = or=20 griffins) in a great basket, as a voyager into the heavens. = 42 In these enterprises, in which only a = figure in=20 imaginative and moral literature might engage, a somewhat more = substantial=20 concern with the secrets of the world was critically expressed. = 43 [End Page 606]=20

Indeed, the morality of mining remained a moral = concern=20 in European thought (even on the part of those who benefited most = from it)=20 until well into the seventeenth century. Jos=E9 de Acosta had = cited=20 Boethius's complaint:=20

Atlas, who was the first,
So curious = and=20 accurst.
Who digged out of the mine
Man's mind to = undermind,=20
Heavie weights of golden ore,
better concealde before. = 44

And the fallen angels in Paradise Lost = (VI,=20 509-20) become--for a time--miners. Alexander's diving bell, his = journey=20 to the Earthly Paradise, his heavenly journey, and mining--these = remained=20 areas of human enterprise in which the desire to know the secrets = of the=20 world could well continue to be manifestations of pride and = dangerous=20 curiositas, because in the fourteenth and fifteenth = centuries they=20 were either impossible (without magical or miraculous = assistance--or=20 because they occurred in a pre-Christian pagan world in which = other rules=20 applied) or still little known and understood, and therefore = potentially=20 suspect. But Columbus and Cort=E9s were not concerned with these = aspects of=20 discovering the secrets of the world--except for mining, which at = the time=20 was not yet deep mining, soon to be rationalized and justified by = George=20 Agricola and others.=20

V. From 1500 on, the secrets of the world = revealed=20 themselves thick and fast to navigators, conquistadores, to = rulers,=20 to travellers along for the ride and the sights, to humanists who = tidied=20 up their relations and put them into proper Latin for the = sedentary=20 learned to read, and even to many who had no particular desire to = know=20 them and to whom they long remained morally suspect. 45 Around 1600 an artist with a blunt moral = purpose=20 engraved the shoulders and capped head of a jester, and in place = of the=20 jester's face inserted a map of the world based on that of = Ortelius.=20 46 To belabor his point the artist wrote a=20 titulus over the head with the [End Page 607] = command=20 Nosce te ipsum, i.e., know one's own self rather than seek = outside=20 oneself for truth or other information--the work only of fools. = The motif=20 is old; Augustine had once remarked, "Noli foras ire; in te ipsum = redi."=20 Nosce te ipsum was an ancient topos whose history has been = traced=20 by Pierre Courcelle. 47 But by the sixeenth century this is = fairly stale=20 moralizing, echoing ascetic patristic and later monastic, = especially=20 Bernardine, concerns for the interior self. In the fourteenth = century=20 Petrarch could worry preciously about his own curiosity concerning = the=20 mountains of the Vaucluse, the Fortunate Isles, and the Canaries, = and=20 Dante could echo the disappearance of the Vivaldi brothers in his = account=20 of Ulysses' last voyage--and himself run the risk of sailing the = boat of=20 his own Commedia into forbidden waters (as he had already=20 penetrated the bowels of the earth, climbed the mountain of = Purgatory, and=20 walked through the Garden of Eden). 48=20

But in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries = the=20 knowledge brought by travel could no longer be written off in = purely=20 conventional and ascetic moral terms as the frivolous, deceptive, = or=20 forbidden information acquired by unstable and inconstant = wanderers who=20 would have done better to have stayed at home and attended to = their own=20 consciences. Not when gold and spices were involved--these = represented=20 empirical knowledge and profitable goods obtained by travel, = observation,=20 and documentation. The experience could be tested at several = levels and=20 the process of acquiring it repeated with identical results. In = some=20 senses the real occasion created by Columbus was neither the = voyage out=20 nor the landfall in the West but the voyage back to Portugal and = then to=20 Castile in 1493 and the second voyage, which found the same places = again.=20 The events of 1493 mark the regular address to the formerly = unknown world=20 in the West and, with the voyages of Diaz, da Gama, and Magellan, = brought=20 too much real experience too quickly for traditional moral or=20 epistemological opposition fully--or ever--to take its measure. = 49=20

Moreover, far from reflecting psychololgical = and moral=20 instability, might this process not make men better, both as = individuals=20 and as societies? Exile and travel had done this--painfully--for = Dante,=20 just as pilgrimage did for Felix Faber later and for the = indefatigable=20 Margery Kempe, or so she thought. Certainly the [End Page = 608]=20 flood of travel-acquired information overburdened traditional = taxonomies=20 and existing categories of knowledge, but travellers could also be = prepared, their knowledge categorically acquired, sorted out, and = usefully=20 disseminated. Such knowledge required a sound basis in natural = philosophy,=20 as Roger Bacon had argued in the thirteenth century, providing = access to=20 God as well as opportunities for religious conversion. 50 By the 1550s there were many attempts to = put order=20 into the maps and to print the vast, systematic collections of = narrative=20 and description. Ramusio in Venice represents its beginning. At = the same=20 time a new vogue for Herodotus began--the New World had to be = placed=20 properly into time as well as space. 51 And the Magi were also appropriated in = order to=20 locate the new worlds in scriptural time and American space as = well.=20 52=20

Even the strictest moralists had now to allow = for at=20 least the moral neutrality and informational value of travel. = 53 After 1300 no one in western Europe ever = thought=20 about such old scriptural commonplaces as Solomon's ships and the = older=20 strictures against travel in the old way again. They mapped the = routes of=20 Solomon's ships and continued to argue about the location of the = cities=20 they had reached, particularly Ophir, which they conjecturally = located in=20 both Peru and Mozambique. 54=20

Justin Stagl has described the creation of the = new=20 discipline of the ars apodemica, the prudentia=20 peregrinandi--the art of travel (that is, the discipline of = acquiring=20 and relating appropriate information gained by travel) that began = in the=20 1570s among German and Low Countries humanists and spread = throughout=20 Europe during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, a genre = that,=20 unlike exploring and conquering, might easily be thought to = accommodate=20 even women. 55=20

These are only some of the tests by which the = old and=20 occasionally morally suspect "desire to know the secrets of the = world"=20 moved out from a number of thirteenth- and fourteenth-century = thinkers and=20 travellers to the mind of a sailing man like Columbus, to the = chambers of=20 the Escorial, the Jesuit relations, the collectors of curiosities, = and the=20 humanists and their successors in the ars [End Page = 609]=20 apodemica, gaining familiarity, legitimacy, necessity, and=20 increasingly recognized usefulness in the process.=20

In the Christian society of western Europe in = these=20 centuries, its religious sensibility heightened by the missionary=20 prospects of the New Worlds, the Reformations, and the Wars of = Religion,=20 perhaps the truest test was the application to the discoverers and = the=20 discoveries of the attributes of the Creator himself. Samuel = Purchas, for=20 example, gave Europeans credit for a great deal of technology that = they=20 had indeed acquired and wonderfully used, but had not invented. = The=20 Europeans' new technology, global mobility, and their consequences = were=20 exactly analogous to both the author and the act of divine = creation=20 itself:=20

But what speke I of Men, Arts, Armes? = Nature=20 hath yeelded her selfe to Europeaean Industry. Who ever found = out that=20 Loadstone and Compasse, that findes out and compasseth the = world? Who=20 ever tooke possession of the Ocean, and made procession round = about the=20 vast Earth? Who has discovered new Constellations, saluted the = Frozen=20 Poles, subjected the Burning Zones? And who else by the Art of=20 Navigation have seemed to imitate Him, which laies the beames of = His=20 chambers in the Waters, and walketh on the wings of the Wind? = 56

The University of = Pennsylvania.

=20

Notes

Earlier versions of this essay were given as = the plenary=20 lecture at the first meeting of the Texas Medieval Association at = the=20 University of North Texas, Denton, in 1992, at a meeting of the = Providence=20 Medieval Consortium, Providence, Rhode Island, in 1994, at the = University=20 of Victoria, British Columbia, also in 1994, at Yale University in = 1998,=20 and as the Simkins Lecture at Longwood College. I am grateful to = Derek=20 Baker, David Warner, John Tucker, Paul Freedman, and Raymond = Cormier for=20 their invitations and hospitality. I am particularly grateful to = Richard=20 Newhauser, with whom I am presently collaborating on a study of=20 Curiosity and the Limits of Inquiry in the Western = Tradition (which=20 will deal with this subject at considerably greater length), to = Scott=20 Westrem, and to James M. Muldoon, Caroline Bynum, Frank Baron, = Armin Wolf,=20 Helmut G. Walther, Amy Remensnyder, Justin Stagl, Nathan Sivin, = Norman=20 Roessler, Arthur Waldron, Richard Kay, and Michael T. Ryan.=20

1. Text in The Book of Prophecies by = Christopher=20 Columbus, ed. and trans. Roberto Rusconi (Berkeley, 1995), = 66-67;=20 there may be a reference here to Psalm 106 (107): 23-32.=20

2. The point is brought out in William Eamon's = discussion=20 of the place of exploration and the character of unlettered--or = slightly=20 lettered--seamen in his Science and the Secrets of Nature: = Books of=20 Secrets in Medieval and Early Modern Culture (Princeton, = 1994),=20 272-73. The present essay considers the secrets of nature in a = somewhat=20 broader sense than Eamon, although Eamon's focus on the debate = over the=20 esoteric properties of natural objects and processes (esp. 38-90) = is a=20 masterful survey of a crucial aspect of the subject that is not = treated=20 here. When Columbus wanted to appear particularly learned, as in = the third=20 letter, he assembled the conventional authoritative learned = references.=20 See Virgil I. Milani, "The Written Language of Christopher = Columbus,"=20 Forum Italicum 7, supp. (1973).=20

3. Hern=E1n Cort=E9s, Cartas y Documentos, = ed. Mario=20 Hernandez Sanchez-Barba (Mexico City, 1963), 53, 202, 478.=20

4. J. H. Elliott, The Old World and the New,=20 1492-1650 (Cambridge, 1970), 30-31. And see Mary W. Helms,=20 Ulysses'Sail: An Ethnographic Odyssey of Power, Knowledge, and=20 Geographical Distance (Princeton, 1988), esp. chs. 3, 4, and = 6.=20

5. Frank Baron, Doctor Faustus from History to = Legend (Munich, 1978); Faust Through Four Centuries: = Retrospect and=20 Analysis / Vierhundert Jahre Faust. R=FCckblick und Analyse, = ed. Peter=20 Boermer and Sidney Johnson(T=FCbingen, 1989).=20

6. Patrick Brantlinger, "To See New Worlds: = Curiosity in=20 Paradise Lost," Modern Language Quarterly, 33 = (1972),=20 355-69.=20

7. Hans Blumenberg, Die Legitimit=E4t der = Neuzeit=20 (Frankfurt, 1966, 1973, 1974, 1976), The Legitimacy of the = Modern=20 Age, tr. Robert M. Wallace (Cambridge, 1983), 229-456, and = Wallace,=20 "Progress, Secularization and Modernity: The L=F6with-Blumenberg = Debate,"=20 New German Critique, 22 (1981), 63-79; Martin Jay, "Review = Essay,"=20 History and Theory,24 (1985), 183-96; O. Marquard, "Neuzeit = vor der=20 Neuzeit? Die Futurisierung des Antimodernismus und die = medievistischen=20 Implikationen von Blumenbergs Neuzeitthese," Mittelalterliche=20 Komponenten der europ=E4ischen Bewusstseins, ed. Joseph = Sz=F6v=E9rffy=20 (Leiden, 1983), 1-6.=20

8. Heiko Augustinus Oberman, Contra vanam=20 curiositatem (Zurich, 1973), and Richard Newhauser, "Towards a = History=20 of Human Curiosity: A Prolegomenon to its Medieval Phase," = Deutsche=20 Vierteljahrschift f=FCr Literaturwissenschaft und = Geistesgeschichte, 56=20 (1982), 559-75.=20

9. See Newhauser, "Augustinian vitium = curiositatis=20 and its reception," Saint Augustine and His Influence in the = Midde=20 Ages, ed. Edward B. King and Jacqueline T. Schaefer, = Sewanee=20 Mediaeval Studies, III (Sewanee, 1988), 99-124, and in Edward = Peters,=20 "Libertas inquirendi and the vitium curiositatis" in = Medieval Thought," La notion de libert=E9 au Moyen Age: Islam, = Byzance,=20 Occident, ed. George Makdisi et al. (Paris, 1985), 89-98; and=20 "Transgressing the Limits Set by the Fathers: Authority and = Impious=20 Exegesis in Medieval Thought," Christendom and its Discontents: = Exclusion, persecution, and Rebellion, 1000-1500, ed. Scott L. = Waugh=20 and Peter Diehl (Cambridge, 1995), 338-63, the latter two = forthcoming in=20 Edward Peters, Limits of Thought and Power in Medieval = Europe.=20 Recent studies include G. R. Evans, "What We Are Not Supposed to = Know,"=20 The Joy of Learning and the Love of God: Studies in Honor of = Jean=20 Leclercq, ed. E. Rozanne Elder (Kalamazoo, 1995), 309-26, and = the=20 disappointing study by Gunther B=F6s, Curiositas. Die Rezeption = eines=20 antiken Begriffes durch christliche Autoren bis Thomas von = Aquin=20 (Paderborn, 1995). Eamon, in Science and the Secrets of = Nature, is=20 rather too strongly influenced by Blumenberg on a number of = points,=20 particularly in his concept of curiositas, although he is = far=20 better than Blumenberg on the epistemological debates concerning = natural=20 philosophy.=20

10. A. J. Festugiere and Arthur Darby Nock, = Corpus=20 Hermeticum (Paris, 1954), IV, Fr. 23, 14-16. See also = Festugiere, "Le=20 Style de la Kore kosmou," in Festugiere, Etudes = d'histoire et de=20 philosophie (Paris, 1975), 231-73.=20

11. James S. Romm, The Edges of the Earth in = Ancient=20 Thought (Princeton, 1992); Fran=E7ois Hartog, M=E9moires = d'Ulysse=20 (Paris, 1996); Jean-Marie Andr=E9 and Marie-Fran=E7oise Baslez, = Voyager=20 dans l'Antiquit=E9 (Paris, 1993), 70-76, 284-315; Louise = Levathes,=20 When China Ruled the Seas (New York, 1994), 43; Sally Hovey = Wriggins, Xuanzang: A Buddhist Pilgrim on the Silk Road = (Boulder,=20 1996), and the biography by his disciple Huili, A Biography of = the=20 Tripitaka Master of the Great Ci'en Monastery of the Great Tang=20 Dynasty, tr. Li Rongxi (Berkeley, 1995).=20

12. See Richard C. Trexler, The Journey of = the Magi:=20 Meanings in History of a Christian Story (Princeton, 1997).=20

13. See Raphael Patai, The Children of Noah: = Jewish=20 Seafaring in Ancient Times (Princeton, 1998). On Muslim = travel, see=20 Sam I. Gellens, "The Search for Knowledge in Medieval Muslim = Societies: A=20 Comparative Approach," in Muslim Travelers: Pilgrimage, = Migration, and=20 the Religious Imagination, ed. Dale E. Eickelman and James = Piscatori=20 (Berkeley, 1990), 50-65; and Ewald Wagner, "Subjektive and = objektive=20 Wahrheit in islamischen Reiseberichten," Reisen und = Reiselteratur,=20 43-66. See also Helms, Ulysses' Sail, 72, 94-104, 137-40.=20

14. Mary B. Campbell, The Witness and the = Other=20 World (Ithaca, 1988), 18.=20

15. Gerhart B. Ladner, "Homo viator: = Mediaeval=20 Ideas on Alienation and Order," Speculum, 42 (1967), = 233-59.=20

16. See my "Transgressing the Limits Set by the = Fathers,"=20 especially Jean Dani=E9lou, "Recherche et tradition chez les = p=E8res,"=20 Studia Patristica, 12 (1975), 3-13.=20

17. See my "What Was God Doing before He Created = the=20 Heavens and the Earth?" Augustiniana, 34 (1984), 53-74, and = "Aenigma Salomonis: Manichaean Anti-Genesis Polemic and the = Vitium curiositatis in Confessions III. 6,"=20 Augustiniana, 36 (1986), 48-64; also Cornelius Mayer, "=20 'Peregrinatio' bei Augustinus," in Reisen und = Reiseliteratur, ed.=20 Xenja von Ertzdorf, et al. (Amsterdam, 1992), 67-80. Cf.=20 Confessions X. 34-35.=20

18. See Newhauser, "Augustinian = curiositas."=20

19. Christian Zacher, Curiosity and = Pilgrimage=20 (Baltimore, 1976).=20

20. Karl J. Leyser, "Concepts of Europe in the = Early and=20 High Middle Ages," Past & Present, 137 (1992), 24-47, = rpr. In=20 Leyser, Communications and Power in Medieval Europe: The = Carolingian=20 and Ottonian Centuries, ed. Timothy Reuter (London, 1994), I;=20 Basileios Karageorgos, "Der Begriff Europa im Hoch- und = Sp=E4tmittelalter,"=20 Deutsches Archiv, 48 (1992), 137-64; John Hale, The = Civilization=20 of Europe in the Renaissance (New York, 1993), 3-50.=20

21. Natalia Lozovsky, The Earth Is Our Book:=20 Geographical Knowledge in the West ca. 400-1000 (Ann Arbor, = 2000), and=20 Anna Dorothee von den Brincken, "Fines Terrae": Die Enden der = Erde und=20 der vierte Kontinent auf mittelalterlichen Weltkarten, MGH, = Schriften,=20 Bd. 36 (Hannover, 1992), 1-60.=20

22. See Brian Stock, "Science, Technology, and = Economic=20 Progress in the Early Middle Ages," in Science in the Middle = Ages,=20 ed. David C. Lindberg (Chicago, 1978), 1-51, and related studies = in the=20 same volume. Cf. John Howe, "The Conversion of the Physical World: = The=20 Creation of a Christian Landscape," Varieties of Religious = Conversion=20 in the Middle Ages, ed. James Muldoon (Gainesville, 1997), = 63-78, with=20 extensive references.=20

23. Zacher, Curiosity and Pilgrimage; = Campbell,=20 The Witness and the Other World; Helms, Ulysses' = Sail,=20 211-60, J. R .S. Phillips, The Medieval Expansion of Europe = (Oxford, 19882 ).=20

24. See my "Rex curiosus: A Preface to = Prospero,"=20 Majestas, 4 (1996), 61-84.=20

25. Giraldi Cambrensis Opera, ed. James = F. Dimock=20 (London, 1867), V, 20. Tr. John J. O'Meara, in Gerald of Wales, = The=20 History and Topography of Ireland (rprt. New York, 1982), 31. = See=20 Egbert T=FCrk, Nugae Curialium: Le r=E8gne d'Henri II = Plantegen=EAt=20 (1145-1189) et l'=E9thique politique (Geneva, 1977), 95-123, = and Robert=20 Bartlett, Gerald of Wales, 1146-1223 (Oxford, 1982); also = Folker=20 Reichert, "Geographie und Weltbild am Hofe Friedrichs II," = Deutsches=20 Archiv f=FCr Erforschung des Mittelalters, 51 (1995), 433-91.=20

26. Giraldi Cambrensis Opera, V, 189-90; = trans.=20 O'Meara, 124.=20

27. Giraldi Cambrensis Opera, V, 190; = trans.=20 O'Meara, 124.=20

28. Bartlett, Gerald of Wales, 58-100, = 123-53. On=20 Edrisi, see Donald Matthew, The Norman Kingdom of Sicily=20 (Cambridge, 1992), 228-30. Cronica Fratris Salimbene de Adam = Ordinis=20 Minorum, ed. O. Holder-Egger, MGH SS XXXII (Hanover, 1905), = 598-99;=20 The Chronicle of Salimbene de Adam, tr. Joseph L. Baird, = Giuseppe=20 Baglivi, and John Robert Kane (Binghamton, 1986), 602-3. Cf. = Jennifer R.=20 Goodman, Chivalry and Exploration 1298-1630 (Woodbridge, = Suffolk,=20 1998).=20

29. The Travels of Marco Polo, tr. and = intro.=20 Ronald Latham (New York, 1958), 33. See Folker Reichert, = Begegnungen=20 mit China. Die Entdeckung Ostasiens im Mittelalter = (Sigmaringen,=20 1992); Katharine Park, "The Meanings of Natural Diversity: Marco = Polo on=20 the 'Division' of the World," in Texts and Contexts in Ancient = and=20 Medieval Science: Studies on the Occasion of John E. Murdoch's = Seventieth=20 Birthday, ed. Edith Sylla and Michael McVaugh (New York, = 1997),=20 134-47; John Larner, Marco Polo and the Discovery of the = World (New=20 Haven, 1999).=20

30. See James M. Muldoon, Popes, Lawers, and = Infidels:=20 The Church and the Non-Christian World 1250-1550 = (Philadelphia, 1979),=20 29-48, and "The Nature of the Infidel: The Anthropology of the = Canon=20 Lawyers," in Scott Westrem, Discovering New Worlds (New = York,=20 1991), 115-24.=20

31. Navigatio Sanci Brendani Abbatis, ed. = Carl=20 Selmer (Notre Dame, 1959). See also Pierre Bouet, Le = fantastique dans=20 la litt=E9rature latine du Moyen Age. La navigation de Saint = Brendan, oeuvre=20 anonyme du XIe si=E8cle (Caen, 1986). The earliest version of = the voyage=20 probably dates from the early seventh century. Cf. Hannes = K=E4stner, "Der=20 zweifelnde Abt und die mirabilia descripta. Buchwissen, = Erfahrung=20 und Inspiration in den Reiseversionen der Brandan-Legende," = Reisen und=20 Reiseliteratur, 389-416, and Helms, Ulysses' Sail, = 218-20.=20

32. Jean Delumeau, Une histoire du Paradis: = Le Jardin=20 des d=E9lices (Paris, 1992), esp. 59-98.=20

33. M. Lejbowicz, "Nicole Oresme et les voyages=20 circumterrestres," Archives d'histoire litt=E9raire et = doctrinale du=20 Moyen Age, 55 (1988), 99-142; Bert Hansen, Nicole Oresme = and the=20 Marvels of Nature: A Study of his De causis mirabilium with = Critical=20 Edition, Translation, and Commentary (Toronto, 1985); Lorraine = Daston=20 and Katharine Park, Wonders and the Order of Nature = 1150-1750 (New=20 York, 1998); also Christiane Deluz, Le livre de Jehan de = Mandeville,=20 une "G=E9ographie" au XIVe si=E8cle (Louvain-la-Neuve, 1988), = Von den=20 Brincken, Fines Terrae, 99-125, and Iain Macleod Higgins,=20 Writing East: The "Travels" of Sir John Mandeville = (Philadelphia,=20 1997), 201-6, 239-42.=20

34. John A. Scott, "Inferno XXVI: Dante's = Ulysses,"=20 Lettere Italiane, 23 (1971), 145-86; my "The Voyage of = Ulysses and=20 the Wisdom of Solomon: Dante and the vitium curiositatis,"=20 Majestas, 7 (1999), 75-88; Boitani, The Shadow of = Ulysses;=20 Patrick Boyde, Human Vices and Human Worth in Dante's = Comedy=20 (Cambridge, 2000), 231-72.=20

35. Cited in A. C. Moule and Paul Pelliot, = Marco Polo,=20 The Description of the World (London, 1938), I, 60. Cf. = Caroline W.=20 Bynum, "Wonder," American Historical Review, 102 (1997), = 1-26, and=20 Higgins, Writing East, 246-47.=20

36. See Monique Pelletier (ed.), G=E9ographie = du monde au=20 Moyen Age et =E0 la Renaissance (Paris, 1989), IV, = "Cartographie des=20 =EEles," 165-228; Louis De Vorsey, Jr. and John Parker, In the = Wake of=20 Columbus: Islands and Controversy (Detroit, 1985); and Frank=20 Lestringant, Mapping the Renaissance World: The Geographical=20 Imagination in the Age of Discovery, tr. David Fausett = (Berkeley,=20 1994).=20

37. The Travels of Sir John Mandeville, = c. 34, p.=20 188. Cf. Goodman, Chivalry and Exploration.=20

38. Mandeville, c. 18, p. 120; and Mich=E8le = Gu=E9ret-Lafert=E9,=20 Sur les routes de l'Empire Mongol: Ordre et rh=E9torique des = relations de=20 voyage aux XIIIe et XIVe si=E8cles (Paris, 1994). See the = bibliography=20 in Peter Moraw, "Reisen im europ=E4ischen Sp=E4tmittelalter im = Licht der=20 neueren historischen Forchung," Reisen und Reiseliteratur, = 113-39.=20

39. See George Cary, The Medieval = Alexander, and=20 David J. A. Ross, Alexander Historiatus: A Guide to Medieval=20 Illustrated Alexander Literature (1967, rpt. Hildesheim, = 1988); also=20 Manfred Landfester, "Reise und Roman in der Antike. =DCber die = Bedeutung des=20 Reisens f=FCr die Enstehtung und verbreitung des Antiken Romans," = Reisen=20 und Reiseliteratur, 29-42.=20

40. The "Alexandreis" of Walter of = Ch=E4tillon: A=20 Twelfth-Century Epic, tr. David Townsend (Philadelphia, 1996), = VIII=20 [374], 435-51, 142-43; also Hans Holl=E4nder, "Alexander: = Hybris und=20 Curiositas," in Willi Erzgr=E4ber (ed.), Kontinuit=E4t = und=20 Transformation der Antike im Mittalalter (Sigmaringen, 1989), = 65-79.=20

41. See Peter Armour, Dante's Griffin and the = History=20 of the World: A Study of the Earthly Paradise, = Purgatorio,=20 cantos xxix-xxxiii (Oxford, 1989), 27-32, 191-92, 228-29, = citing a=20 number of thirteenth-century Italian versions of the story, 28, = n.37; also=20 John A. Scott, "Dante and Philosophy," Annali = D'Italianisica, 8=20 (1990), 258-77, and Piero Boitani, The Shadow of Ulysses, = 47-68.=20

42. See Holl=E4nder, "Alexander: Hybris und=20 Curiositas," and Augustine, De genesi contra Manichaeos = II.=20 18.27; Enarr. In Ps. VIII. 13 (PL36:115).=20

43. There is a fascinating speculation about an = early=20 sixteenth-century diving bell used in an imaginary Baltic setting = in=20 Lawrence Norfolk's novel, The Pope's Rhinoceros (New York, = 1996).=20

44. Jos=E9 de Acosta, Historia Natural y = Morale de la=20 Indias (Sevillea, Juan de Leon, 1590), Introduccion, apendice, = y=20 antologia por Barbara G. Bedall (Valencia, 1977), IV. 8 (p. 214).=20 Boethius, Consolatio Philosophiae, ed. James J. O'Donnell = (Bryn=20 Mawr, 1984), II, m. V, vv. 27-30 (p.36). Translation of the verses = of=20 Boethius by Edward Grimston in his 1604 translation of Acosta, = cited by=20 Kester Svendsen, Milton and Science (Cambridge, Mass., = 1968), 9-47,=20 85-116.=20

45. See Margaret Aston, The Fifteenth = Century: The=20 Prospect of Europe (New York, 1968), 9-47, 85-116.=20

46. The picture is reproduced, but not = discussed, as Plate=20 10 of Stephen Greenblatt, Marvellous Possessions: The Wonder of = the New=20 World (Chicago, 1991). Nor does Greenblatt note the = titulus,=20 which is the key to the picture. See Werner Mezger, Narrenidee = und=20 Fastnachtsbrauch. Studien zum Fortleben des Mittelalters in der=20 europ=E4ischen Festkultur (Constance, 1991), 72-74, 287.=20

47. Pierre Courcelle, Connais-toi-toi-m=EAme = de Socrate =E0=20 Saint Bernard (3 vols., Paris, 1974-75). Cf. Carlo Ginzburg, = "High and=20 Low: The Theme of Forbidden Knowledge in the Sixteenth and = Seventeenth=20 Centuries," Past & Present, 73 (1976), 28-41.=20

48. See B. Martinelli, "L'acensione al Monte = ventoux,"=20 Studi in onore di Alberto Chiari (Brescia, 1973), 369-77; = John E.=20 Wrigley, "Petrarch, Saint Augustine, and the Augustinians," = Augustinian=20 Studies, 8 (1977), 71-90; Giorgio Padoan, "Petrarca, Boccaccio = e la=20 scoperta delle Canarie," Italia medioevale e umanistica, 7 = (1964),=20 263-77; for Dante see the discussion and references in my "The = Voyage of=20 Ulysses and the Wisdom of Solomon," Boitani, The Shadow of = Ulysses,=20 and Boyde, Human Vices.=20

49. The reverse occurred in China, when the = imperial=20 bureaucracy halted the expeditions of the great treasure fleets = after=20 1437: Levathes, When China Ruled the Seas, 175-81.=20

50. William A. Christian, Jr., Local Religion = in=20 Sixteenth-Century Spain (Princeton, 1981). John M. Headley, = "Geography=20 and Empire in the Late Renaissance: Botero's Assignment, Western=20 Universalism, and the Civilizing Process," Renaissance = Quarterly,=20 53 (2000), 1119-55.=20

51. On Ramusio, see Numa Broc, La = G=E9ographie de la=20 renaissance (1420-1620) (Paris, 1980), 37-38; and see Arnaldo=20 Momigliano, "The Place of Herodotus in the History of = Historiography,"=20 Studies in Historiography (New York, 1966), 127-42.=20

52. Trexler, The Journey of the Magi, = 140-57.=20

53. Edward Reynolds, A Treatise on the = Passions and=20 Faculties of the Soule of Man (1640), with an Introduction by = Margaret=20 Lee Wiley (Ganesville, 1971), c. XVI, 174-75.=20

54. See Campbell, The Witness and the Other = World,=20 178, 204-5, and Trexler, The Journey of the Magi, 135-43.=20

55. Justin Stagl, "Die Apodemik oder = 'Reisekunst' als=20 Methodik de Sozialforschung von Humanismus bis zur Aufkl=E4rung," = in=20 Mohammed Rassem and Justin Stagl (eds.), Statistik und=20 Staatbeschreibung in der Neuzeit vornehmlich im 16-18 = Jahrhundert=20 (Munich, 1980), 131-202; idem, A History of Curiosity: The = Theory of=20 Travel, 1550-1800 (Chur, 1995).=20

56. Samuel Purchas, Purchas His Pilgrims, = Hakluyt=20 Society, Extra Series (London, 1905), I, 250-51. See also = Helms,=20 Ulysses' Sail, 244-46, and Denys Hay, Europe: The Emergence = of an=20 Idea (New York, 19662 ), 120-22.

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