From: Subject: Daniel J. Pinti - The Comedy of the Monk's Tale : Chaucer's Hugelyn and Early Commentary on Dante's Ugolino - Comparative Literature Studies 37:3 Date: Mon, 3 May 2004 20:31:00 -0700 MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: multipart/related; boundary="----=_NextPart_000_002A_01C4314D.8C3E4330"; type="text/html" X-MimeOLE: Produced By Microsoft MimeOLE V6.00.2800.1409 This is a multi-part message in MIME format. ------=_NextPart_000_002A_01C4314D.8C3E4330 Content-Type: text/html; charset="Windows-1252" Content-Transfer-Encoding: quoted-printable Content-Location: http://0-muse.jhu.edu.opac.sfsu.edu/journals/comparative_literature_studies/v037/37.3pinti.html Daniel J. Pinti - The Comedy of the Monk's Tale : = Chaucer's Hugelyn and Early Commentary on Dante's Ugolino - Comparative = Literature Studies 37:3
Copyright =A9 2000 by The Pennsylvania = State University.=20 All rights reserved.

Comparative = Literature=20 Studies 37.3 (2000) 277-297=20
 
[Access=20 article in PDF]=20

The Comedy of the Monk's = Tale:=20 Chaucer's Hugelyn and Early Commentary on Dante's Ugolino *=20

Daniel Pinti =

Whatever other information they may provide for = us, the=20 no fewer than eight learned commentaries on all or part of Dante's = Comedy produced between Dante's death in 1321 and the time = of=20 Chaucer's birth in the early 1340s offer resounding, sometimes = cacophonous=20 testimony to one undeniable fact: Dante's Italian audiences in the = Trecento thought that the Comedy needed to be explained if = it were=20 to be fully understood. 1 Scholarship on the relationship between = Chaucer and=20 Dante, however, has generally proceeded on the tacit assumption = that, in=20 contrast with Italian readers, the English poet neither = encountered nor=20 desired any such explication, and further, that Chaucer--despite = what we=20 know about his reading of Boethius, Virgil, and the Vulgate--read = Dante in=20 an unmediated way. 2 While this comparative work on the = Chaucer/Dante=20 relationship has been extremely useful--indeed, my ongoing study = of this=20 subject has been greatly informed by the work of Howard Schless, = Winthrop=20 Wetherbee, Richard Neuse, and others--it needs to be supplemented = and=20 challenged by an approach to the problem that takes into greater = account=20 the interpretive environment within which Dante's great poem was = read and=20 reproduced. This environment, the critical dialogue in the = Trecento of=20 commentary on Dante, is relevant to Chaucer studies for two = reasons.=20 First, I would suggest that it is likely, given Chaucer's = reasonably=20 extensive and at times firsthand experience with Italian culture, = that=20 Chaucer would have encountered, perhaps have actively = sought out,=20 commentary on Dante as well as on Dante's own poetry. In fact, he = may well=20 have been as surprised and impressed by the very phenomenon of the = Comedy's reception--the unprecedented explosion of learned=20 commentary [End Page 277] on a vernacular poet--as = medievalists are=20 today. 3 Moreover, ignoring the early commentaries = encourages=20 us to view the Chaucer/Dante relationship through a somewhat = simplifying,=20 polarizing lens: the "closed" and dominating Dante versus the = "open,"=20 ironical Chaucer. Ann W. Astell, for example, has articulated most = recently a version of this view in her recent book on Dante and = the=20 Canterbury Tales: "A philosophical poet like Dante, Chaucer = can=20 chart a curriculum and provide an occasion for learning, but he, = much more=20 so than Dante, entrusts the completion of his work to his audience = and,=20 ultimately, to the mercy of God" (226). 4 Realizing that I am not doing justice to = Astell's=20 complex argument about Chaucer's Canterbury Tales as a work = designed to answer and even contend with Dante's Paradiso, = I=20 believe that the problem with such a contrastive summary is that = it tends=20 to efface the profound interest Dante has in the interpretation = necessary=20 for his poem's (as it were) fulfillment, and the diverse = interpretive=20 opinions that the poem itself generated in the Trecento itself. We = should=20 begin to take into greater account the "Dante" (or, perhaps = better,=20 "Dantes") of Chaucer's time. 5=20

Because of the complexity of this subject and = the=20 confines of space, this essay's focus will be Chaucer's most = famous=20 appropriation of Dante--the Hugelyn narrative in the Monk's=20 Tale--in the context of some of the early commentaries on=20 Inferno 33. 6 Such a focus places Chaucer's reading more = securely=20 in its literary-historical context, and thereby positions = Chaucer's own=20 response--in its own way no less interpretive than the = commentators'--in a=20 somewhat more complex intertextual matrix than has previously been = supposed or constructed. Moreover, such a recontextualizing of the = Hugelyn=20 episode, I wish to argue, opens the door to a fuller understanding = of how=20 Chaucer, a fourteenth-century, learned reader of Dante, may have = read the=20 Ugolino story and rewritten it into his own poem as a commentary = on the=20 construction of poetic authority. Although I will have occasion to = mention=20 other commentators, I shall focus my attention on three of the = most=20 important commentaries of the first half of the fourteenth century = which=20 treat the Ugolino episode in some detail: Guido da Pisa's Latin = commentary=20 on the Inferno, Jacopo della Lana's Italian commentary (the = first=20 to cover the whole of the Comedy), and that of the "Ottimo=20 Commentatore," also an Italian commentary on all three canticles. = 7=20

My foundational premise is thus that we can = better=20 understand how Chaucer read Dante by looking at how other learned = readers=20 read Dante in the fourteenth century. Although my purpose is not = to prove=20 that Chaucer interpreted Dante specifically with, say, Guido da = Pisa at=20 his elbow, and my argument does not stand or fall on whether = Chaucer knew=20 [End Page 278] one or more of the commentaries directly, = the very=20 real possibility that Chaucer could have had knowledge of and = access to=20 early Comedy commentaries should be considered. Most = recently,=20 David Wallace has delineated the nature and extent of Chaucer's=20 interaction with merchants from Italy during his service as = controller of=20 customs (1374-85), including the fact that the position "brought = Chaucer=20 into daily contact with Italians, since the controller was obliged = to be=20 personally present on the quay whenever wool was weighed, and to = keep his=20 records in his own hand." 8 This particular "daily contact" would have = supplemented his likely communication with Italians living in = London, of=20 whose "traditional importance . . . in the English economy, not = only in=20 the court but in the customs and trade as well" Chaucer could not = but have=20 been aware (Schless, "Transformations" 191-92). Wendy Childs notes = at=20 least 102 names of Italian merchants in London in the 1370s, 164 = in the=20 1380s, and asks a provocative rhetorical question on the subject = of=20 Italian culture in Chaucer's city:=20

If French merchants in London had felt = the=20 need for entertainment and a cultural identity, which they = expressed=20 through the Feste de Pui in London, what more natural than that = the=20 Italians, much further from home, wealthy, literate, should have = maintained interest in their own literature and learning, albeit = in a=20 more private way? Perhaps the representatives of the Bardi = company even=20 had a particular interest in the works of Boccaccio, once one of = their=20 junior representatives in Naples. 9

The historical--indeed, familial--connections = to Dante of=20 the Bardi, "the most important Italian . . . company in England = during the=20 fourteenth century," were perhaps even more significant, if=20 chronologically more distant, than those to Boccaccio (Schless, = Chaucer=20 and Dante 6). Beatrice Portinari, Dante's Beatrice of the = Vita=20 nuova and the Comedy, married Simone de Bardi, whose = descendent=20 Walter de Bardi was "under both Edward III and Richard II, the = king's=20 moneyer." 10 As Schless speculates, "the Bardi family = would=20 have had particular reason for knowing the Divine Comedy=20 thoroughly" (Schless, "Transformations" 194). Obviously, in this = social=20 and economic context it is possible--although we by no means have=20 proof--that Chaucer had Italian mercantile contacts who could have = brought=20 books with them and, quite possibly after his visits to Italy, to = him, at=20 his request. Most importantly, there is evidence that Italian = merchants=20 and financiers had a good deal of access to and interest in the=20 Comedy. On Dante in Italian mercantile culture, the = findings of=20 Christian Bec are worth quoting at length: [End Page 279]=20

". . . la majorit=E9 des marchands = florentins=20 du d=E9but du 15e si=E8cle acc=E8de =E0 la = connaissance des grands=20 auteurs. Des "Tre corone," Dante est sans doute le plus = famili=E8rement=20 connu. Nous le verrons: la Divine Com=E9die se retrouve = dans les=20 plus modestes biblioth=E8ques marchandes. . . . La Divine = Com=E9die=20 appara=EEt m=EAme dans les biblioth=E8ques les plus pauvres. = Ainsi Filippo=20 Fagni n'a que trois livres, dont un "Dante in carte di = bambagia." De=20 m=EAme Lionardo di Neri di ser Benedetto poss=E8de en tout cinq = manuscrits:=20 quatre "libri da leggiere" et un "Dante chiosato." Francesco di = ser=20 Guglielmo Corazza, possesseur d'une dizaine de livres, a sur ses = rayons=20 la Divine Com=E9die et plusieurs exemplaires des = commentaires au=20 chef-d'oeuvre de Dante: "una chiosa Dantis super Paradiso, due = alie=20 chiose super Inferno et Purgatorio, unus liber Dantis ligatus = rubro." .=20 . . Aussi bien l'oeuvre de Dante ne fait-elle pas d=E9faut dans = les=20 grandes librairies marchandes. 11

Although not considering Italian merchants in = England=20 specifically, Bec paints a picture of the Comedy as a work = that=20 permeated mercantile Italian culture in the late fourteenth and = early=20 fifteenth centuries. The comments on glossed manuscripts should = especially=20 give us pause, since they suggest that the circulation of Dante=20 manuscripts with commentary was, at least, not infrequent among = the=20 members of the Italian merchant class. 12 And such manuscripts are not uncommon = among the=20 extant copies of the Comedy: Of the 700 or so manuscripts = listed in=20 his "Regesto dei codici della Commedia appended to his = edition of=20 Dante's poem, Giorgio Petrocchi includes 115 manuscripts with = glosses by=20 fourteenth-century commentators, at least fifty-seven of which are = dated=20 to the fourteenth century. 13 It is not too much to say that Chaucer = quite=20 likely was familiar not only with the Comedy itself, but = also with=20 at least some of the commentative discourse surrounding = it--familiar, that=20 is, with the fact that the Comedy was open to and = accumulating=20 learned interpretation, and perhaps some of the specifics of that=20 interpretation as well. 14=20

The nature of these Dante commentaries, and = that of=20 commentary generally, is crucial to the effort to place Chaucer's = reading=20 of Dante within this particular facet of fourteenth-century = reading=20 culture. Martin Irvine, albeit not concerned with the Monk's = Tale=20 per se, has discussed how the "distinctive textuality" of=20 commentary is "foreground[ed] . . . in Chaucer's dream poems, = which=20 function as extended glosses on the texts of the auctores." = 15 Irvine's observations about the = textuality of=20 commentary serve as a valuable starting point for an investigation = of=20 Chaucer's reading of Dante in this context: [End Page 280]=20

Social institutions with an interest in = authority--church, school, court--attempted to regulate = proliferations=20 of textual meanings, and the frame of the marginal gloss is a=20 representation of the attempt to at once disclose and control = the text.=20 But by displaying the non-self-sufficiency of the text--in the=20 interpretive supplement, the necessity of continual = interpretation, of=20 never capturing the text once and for all, is graphically = displayed.=20 (Irvine 86)

Such assertions have found their analogue in = Dante=20 criticism. In her recent book on Dante commentators in the = Renaissance,=20 Deborah Parker has shown that:=20

Dante's eventual position as an = authority was=20 by no means automatic . . . Trecento commentators tend to speak = of the=20 Comedy as fixed . . . but their defensive critical = practice often=20 belies the concept of a timeless, authoritative, and universal = Dante.=20 Such a contradiction shows the force of their desire--their wish = to make=20 the poem authoritative. (Parker 30-31) =

Parker points to the part of this context that = is most=20 crucial for our reading Chaucer reading Dante: the contest and = negotiation=20 of the Comedy's literary and cultural auctoritas, a = dynamic=20 and still very much evolving process within which Chaucer=20 encountered Dante. The traditional juxtaposition of Chaucer and = Dante has=20 tended to assume that which the Trecento commentators were very = much=20 engaged in constructing: that Dante's claims to be, and his status = as, an=20 authority were unequivocal and established, and Chaucer primarily = reacted=20 against them. For Chaucer, however, the Comedy of literary = history=20 was, in a sense, very much a work in progress. Moreover, = commentary, by=20 its very modus operandi, fragments the poem, breaking it = down into=20 discrete episodes, ideas, or individual lines for expansion, = explanation,=20 and debate, "re-placing" the poetic text into a different work = with its=20 own agendas and its own heteroglot character. These admittedly = general=20 observations are worth emphasizing, since we might say, in other = words,=20 that the commentaries rework Dante's poetry in ways that are = sometimes=20 very like Chaucer's own. 16=20

The example in question here illustrates this = point:=20 removed from the larger narrative and its immediate setting in the = Comedy, and incorporated into a different genre altogether, = the=20 Ugolino story of Inferno 32.124-33.78 finds its way into an = English=20 De casibus mode as but one narrative among many in the = Monk's=20 Tale. 17 The tale includes seventeen miniature = tragedies,=20 ranging from Lucifer and Adam through other biblical [End Page = 281]=20 and classical figures, and including four so-called "Modern = Instances":=20 Pedro of Castile, Pierre de Lusignan, Bernab=F2 Visconti, and = Ugolino.=20 18 The "Modern Instances" are textually = notorious in=20 that their placement varies in the manuscripts. The majority of=20 manuscripts include them roughly in the middle of the collection, = while=20 the best manuscripts, including Hengwrt and Ellesmere, place them = at the=20 end. 19 Wherever it comes in the sequence, = however,=20 Chaucer's seven-stanza version of the story of "the Erl Hugelyn of = Pyze"=20 in the Monk's Tale (2407) is well-known. 20 The Monk begins by emphasizing Hugelyn's = "langour," employing the ineffability topos to insist on the=20 "untellability" of the very suffering he is about to relate. = 21 Condemned to prison with his "litel = children thre"=20 (2411) on account of a "fals suggestioun" (2417) made by Roger, = "bisshop .=20 . . of Pize" (2416), Hugelyn, the narrator assures us, finds = himself in a=20 situation "ful povre and badde" (2422). Hearing the doors of the = tower=20 shut, Hugelyn laments with a single line, while his three-year-old = son=20 articulates a somewhat lengthier complaint, one with distinct = Dantean=20 echoes:=20

     Fader, why do = ye=20 wepe?
Whanne wol the gayler bryngen oure potage?
Is ther = no=20 morsel breed that ye kepe?
I am so hungry that I may nat = slepe.=20
Now wolde God that I myghte slepen evere!
Thanne sholde = nat=20 hunger in my wombe crepe;
Ther is no thyng, but breed, that = me were=20 levere.

(2432-38) 22

Sadly, the children begin to die, as Hugelyn = emphatically=20 blames Fortune's "false wheel" for his woe (2446), and Chaucer = includes a=20 version of the famous lines from Dante wherein the children invite = their=20 father to eat them to stave off his starvation: "Fader, do nat so, = allas,=20 / But rather ete the flessh upon us two. / Oure flessh thou yaf = us, take=20 oure flessh us fro" (2249-51). Hugelyn himself then perishes "eek = for=20 hunger" (2455), and the Monk ends this part of his tale with a = curious=20 exhortation:=20

Whoso wol here it in a lenger wise, =
Redeth=20 the grete poete of Ytaille
That highte Dant, for he kan al = devyse=20
Fro point to point; nat o word wol he faille.=20

(2459-62) [End Page = 282]

As Piero Boitani has pointed out, Chaucer's = version=20 emphasizes pathos over horror, primarily through what Chaucer = chooses to=20 leave out of Hugelyn's story, e.g., the grisly meal that frames = Dante's=20 narration (Boitani, "Monk's Tale" 63). More notable for my=20 purposes, however, is that by effectively naming Dante as his=20 auctor at the narrative's conclusion, Chaucer introduces = into this=20 appropriation of Dante the problematics of authorship and textual=20 authorization, and with them, as we shall see, the questions of = glossing=20 and commentary. Two other changes that Chaucer makes to Ugolino's=20 narrative itself are worth recognizing here. First, Chaucer leaves = out the=20 moment when Ugolino sees himself, so to speak, in the faces of his = children: "e io scorsi / per quattro visi il mio aspetto stesso" = (56-57)=20 ["and I discerned by their four faces the aspect of my own"]. The = lines=20 are perhaps the most memorable representation of Ugolino's = self-absorption=20 in the scene, one of the points at which the narrator encourages = his=20 audience, in effect, to be moved primarily by his own fate rather = than=20 that of the children. Although Chaucer ignores this specific = "doubling" or=20 mirroring of the story's characters within his = text--understandably enough=20 since he has switched the narrative from first-person to = third-person--he=20 accomplishes a similar effect across texts with another change. = Chaucer's=20 Hugelyn weeps ("teeris fillen from his yen" [2430]) while his = children do=20 not, but Dante's Ugolino explicitly sheds no tears even as his = children=20 do: "Io non piangea, si dentro impetrai. / piangevan elli" ["I did = not=20 weep, so was I turned to stone within me. They wept . . ."] = (33.49-50).=20 23 As Winthrop Wetherbee has pointed out, = Hugelyn's=20 "feelings are only for himself," and his tears in fact "describe a = selfishness as complete as that of Dante's" Ugolino (Wetherbee, = "Context"=20 171). This change in the dramatic action of the story allows = Chaucer to=20 direct his audience's attention more toward Hugelyn's suffering = and=20 thereby to offer an analogous portrayal of the "mirror-image" = moment that=20 is crucial to Ugolino's story--and that, as we shall see, was = worthy of=20 explication by at least one of the commentators in question.=20

With Chaucer's version in mind, let us turn now = to how=20 Dante's early commentators respond to Ugolino in Inferno = 33. Caron=20 Ann Cioffi has intriguingly characterized Ugolino's narrative as = "a gloss=20 on his infernal hate," and the glosses on this "gloss" suggest a = great=20 deal when read in conjunction with Chaucer's efforts to retell a = narrative=20 from the Comedy at all, and with what is generally = perceived as=20 Chaucer's replacement of horror with pathos in his tale of = Hugelyn.=20 24 When turning to the commentaries one is=20 immediately struck by the way they function as sometimes = redundant,=20 sometimes insightful meta-narratives on Dante's poem. The=20 reiterative nature of commentary is perhaps most dramatic and = extensive=20 [End Page 283] in Guido da Pisa's Latin Expositiones et=20 glose on Inferno. 25 As he does for each canto, and in = addition to a=20 running commentary on the poem itself (the "Expositio lictere"), = Guido=20 offers for canto 33 what he terms a "Deductio" of Dante's text = into Latin,=20 an intriguing prose translation of the poem that encourages the = reader to=20 recognize the contestative interactivity between the Italian and = Latin=20 texts. Two brief examples from Guido's "Deductio," of two famous=20 terzine, will suffice to illustrate the generally careful=20 literalism of this section of Guido's commentary:=20

Poi cominci=F2: "Tu vuo' ch'io rinovelli =
    disperato dolor che 'l cor mi preme=20
    gi=E0 pur pensando, pria ch'io ne = favelli."

(Inf. 33.4-6) =

  et postea sic incepit: "Tu = vis=20 quod ego renovem
desperatum dolorem qui cor meum premit, iam =
solummodo cogitando, prius quam eloquar inde."=20

Guido's commentary reads: You will have = me=20 renew despeate grief, which even to think of wrings my heart = before I=20 speak of it.
Ben se' crudel, se tu gi=E0 non ti duoli =
    pensando ci=F2 che 'l mio cor = s'annunziava=20
    e se non piangi, di che pianger = suoli?

(Inf. 33.40-42) =

  Bene es crudelis si iam inde = non=20 doles,
cogitando quicquid cor meum sibi annuntiabit;
et = si non=20 plangis, de quo plangere soles?

Guido's commentary reads: You are cruel = indeed if you do not grieve already, to think what my heart was=20 foreboding; and if you weep not, at what do you ever weep? =

This Latin "Deductio" of Dante, complete and = recursive as=20 it is, necessarily implicates Guido's text in the linked issues of = Latinity and authority in medieval textuality, in effect drawing = Dante's=20 vernacular into the mythically stable, historically continuous = world of=20 Latin. As Rita Copeland has argued, "while at one level medieval = Latin=20 hermeneutical practice registers a motive of displacement, at = another=20 level the linguistic medium within which that practice is = conducted=20 proposes a structure of organic, evolutionary continuity with = ancient=20 texts." 26 While never [End Page 284] = claiming=20 outright to "be" the Comedy, Guido's Latin does in a sense=20 "classicize" the vernacular even as it goes on, in the = "Expositio," to=20 interpret that vernacular itself. The contest (but certainly not = any=20 rejection) of authority is apparent, and one is reminded of how, = in his=20 accessus to his commentary, Guido figures Dante as a = prophetic=20 voice of Biblical stature, the very hand writing on Balthasar's = wall in=20 the Book of Daniel, and thus adopts for himself the role of = Daniel, the=20 necessary and no less prophetic interpreter (Minnis and Scott, = Literary=20 Theory 448).=20

Of course, verification and authorization (of = both the=20 poem and himself) are important for Guido, as a glance at his = comment on=20 lines 71-73 suggests "vid' io cascar li tre ad uno ad uno / tra 'l = quinto=20 d=EC e 'l sesto; ond' io mi diedi, / gi=E0 cieco, a brancolar = sovra ciascuno"=20 [I saw the three fall, one by one, between the fifth day and the = sixth;=20 whence I betook me, already blind, to groping over each]. Guido = writes:=20

Mortuis vero filiis et nepotibus, ipse = comes=20 duobus diebus supervixit; tamen, pre [sic] debilitate iam cecus=20 effectus. Et ne alicui hoc impossibile videatur, quod sex diebus = vivere=20 potuerit sine cibo, audiant Macrobium Super Somnium = Scipionis.=20 Dicit enim quod vita hominis ultra vii dies sine cibo durare non = potest.=20 Patet ergo quod usque ad diem potest septimum protelari. =

[After the death of his sons and = nephews,=20 this same Count lived on for two days; nevertheless, through his = weakness he was made blind. And this survival should not seem = impossible=20 to anyone, because one will be able to live six days without = food, as=20 they may learn from Macrobius in his Commentary on the Dream = of=20 Scipio. He says, in fact, that a human life can not endure = beyond=20 seven days without food. It is clear therefore that it can be = prolonged=20 up to seven days.] (Guido da Pisa, Expositiones 696-7) =

As in the case of Chaucer directing his reader = to Dante=20 for a full account of the Ugolino story, precisely at issue in = Guido's=20 comment here is the believability of Dante's narrative, although = here that=20 believability is cast in the most clinical of terms. Dante, Guido = insists,=20 is accurate, and just as importantly, Guido knows that his = author=20 is accurate. Of course, the issue of accuracy--Dante's and the=20 narrator's--is raised, although from a different perspective, at = the end=20 of the Hugelyn narrative.=20

We might compare Lana's Italian commentary to = Guido's=20 Latin one as both a rehearsing and a verification of Dante. = Subtler and=20 more partial [End Page 285] as a mode of (in this case=20 intralingual) translation, though no less insistent on providing a = kind of=20 appropriative restatement of Dante's verse, Lana's work = exemplifies at a=20 number of points the way in which commentary tends to "re-tell" = the story=20 at hand. Regarding Ugolino's words, "Perci=F2 non lagrimai n=E9 = rispuos'io /=20 tutto quel giorno n=E9 la notte appresso, / infin che l'altro sol = nel mondo=20 usc=ECo" (33.52-54) [Therefore I did not shed tears, nor did I = reply all=20 that day or the night after, until the next sun came forth into = the=20 world], Lana explains: "Cio=E8 fino allo levare del sole del = secondo d=ECe"=20 [That is to say, until sunrise on the second day]. 27 Or, at the children's submissive = proposal to their=20 father a bit later (a part of the text, as we have seen, that = Chaucer is=20 careful to include as well), "'Padre, assai ci fia men doglia / se = tu=20 mangi di noi: tu ne vestisti / queste misere carni, e tu le = spoglia'"=20 (61-63). ["Father, it will be much less pain for us if you eat of = us: you=20 clothed us with this wretched flesh, so do you divest us of it"], = Lana=20 elaborates: "Quasi a dire: noi per te abbiamo essere nel mondo, or = ti=20 bisogna, tolli a noi tal dono" [As if to say: we have our being in = this=20 world through you, and now you are in need; take from us that = gift] (Lana,=20 Commedia, 1.500).=20

Here Lana's recurrent efforts to reword the = text=20 (Cio=E8, Quasi a dire, etc.) are evident. Although = it is far=20 from the only sort of explication he engages in, Lana resolutely = repeats=20 Dante in an effort at once to make his own text distinct yet link = it to=20 his poet inextricably. Exhibiting the same basic discursive move, = Lana's=20 labors to renarrate the text are even more extensive at the = haunting=20 moment when Ugolino relates seeing his own face in those of his = sons: "e=20 io scorsi / per quattro visi il mio aspetto stesso" (56-57) ["and = I=20 perceived on four faces my own appearance"]:=20

Cio=E8 ebbe tanto lume che potesse = vedere lo=20 viso ai figliuoli, si dice che vide in essi quel colore ch'elli = avea in=20 lui, cio=E8 smorto e smarrito per la fame; e pero dice: io = scorsi,=20 cio=E8 decernei, per quattro visi, cio=E8 per lo colore = de figliuoli,=20 il mio aspetto stesso, cio=E8 il suo colore.=20

[That is to say, there was sufficient = light=20 so that he could see his face in the children, so one might say = that he=20 sees in them that color that he had in himself, namely faded and = lost=20 through hunger; and therefore he says, io scorsi, that = is, I=20 discerned, per quattro visi, that is, through the color = of the=20 children, il mio aspetto stesso, that is, his own color.] = (Lana,=20 1.500) [End Page 286]

It is extremely interesting that Lana makes as = much of=20 this moment as he does, given his overt attempts here at once to = "mirror"=20 or reproduce the sense of Dante in his commentary and to clarify = Dante's=20 verse by appropriating it for his own text. That what Ugolino is = talking=20 about for Lana is a particular "colore" is important as well, = since the=20 word's double-valence, relating both to visual perception and = rhetorical=20 strategy, suggests just how aware Lana was of the complicated = textuality=20 of his own commentative practice. Moreover, Lana's commentary is=20 intriguing in relation to Chaucer for further reasons. For = instance, Lana=20 explicitly asserts in his proemio, the accessus to = his=20 commentary, that "one of Dante's finale cagione in writing = the=20 Comedy was to narrate novelle"; the emphasis on the = role of=20 novelle in the Comedy suggests one Trecento reader = willing=20 to emphasize the stories qua stories, and we should recall = that we=20 find the Hugelyn narrative as a kind of separate, miniature = novella=20 anthologized in the Monk's Tale. 28 Lana also remarks on Ugolino's "If you = don't weep=20 now, when would you weep" (33.42), "Chiaro appare che tale = raziocinazione=20 muove ogni cuore humano a pianto ed a compassione" ["clearly it = appears=20 that such reasoning moves every human heart to weeping and = compassion"]=20 which certainly suggests that Chaucer or, if one prefers, his = Monk, was=20 not the only medieval reader moved as much if not more by the = pathos of=20 the scene as by Dante's sense of horrific, retributive justice = (Lana,=20 1.500).=20

Lana's attention to this "mirror" scene may now = be=20 usefully examined in relation to a recent analysis by Paul = Spillenger=20 about the nature of Chaucer's Hugelyn story (Spillenger, = "Langour"=20 103-28). Spillenger argues that "[Chaucer] found in Dante's text = [of=20 Ugolino] a simulacrum of his own acts of poetic appropriation" = (123), and=20 he illustrates this argument specifically through the quotation = from=20 Virgil's Aeneid in Ugolino's story--"Tu vuo' ch'io = rinovelli /=20 disperato dolor che 'l cor mi preme / gi=E0 pur pensando, pria = ch'io ne=20 favelli" (33.4-6) ["you will have me renew desperate grief, which = even to=20 think of wrings my heart before I speak of it"]--connecting = Ugolino's=20 literal cannibalism with Dante and Chaucer's literary = "cannibalism" of=20 Virgil (Spillenger, "Langour" 123). Spillenger concludes:=20

Chaucer would thus have found in = Dante's=20 Ugolino a man whose macabre fate is the symbolic representation = of a=20 reliance on the self-serving manipulation of auctores, = and he=20 would thus have seen in the Italian poet's story a dramatization = of the=20 ways texts eat other texts. (Spillenger, "Langour" 127) = [End=20 Page 287]

While I agree that Chaucer is drawn to the = Ugolino story=20 by what it potentially says, or can be made to say, about medieval = authorship--something I think Lana's comment brings to the fore--I = find it=20 difficult to see metaphorical textual "consumption" as the = foremost=20 concern for Chaucer, particularly since the metaphor implies = ultimately a=20 loss of the authoritative text belied by its very intertextual = presence.=20 Again, a turn to the commentaries is instructive here. The = commentary of=20 the "Ottimo Commentatore," the latest of the three commentaries = treated in=20 this paper, makes much of Ugolino's appropriation of Virgil's=20 Aeneid, and the commentator's reading seems to stress = anything but=20 a rather unpleasant textual devouring:=20

In questo cominciamento mostra = l'Autore, che=20 nel raccontare alcuna novella o storia, altro modo =E8 da tenere = con uno,=20 e altro con un altro. Per questo medesimo stile comincia = Virgilio in=20 persona d'Enea, nel secondo libro, a referire il cadimento di = Troia:=20 Infandum Regina jubes renovare dolorem . . . E questo fa=20 l'Autore, perch=E8 l'opere del conte Ugolino appo li Fiorentini = erano=20 note, e reiterarle era fastidio . . . 29

[The Author shows in this beginning = that in=20 the retelling of each tale or story, one mode is appropriate for = one,=20 and another for another. In this same manner Virgil begins, in = the=20 persona of Aeneas in the second book [of the Aeneid], in = order to=20 recount the fall of Troy: Infandum Regina jubes renovare = dolorem.=20 . . . And the Author does this because the deeds of Count = Ugolino were=20 well-known by the Florentines, and it was tedious to reiterate = them.]

The comment makes explicit Ugolino's connection = between=20 the great city's fall and his own fall, both of them climactic = moments of=20 stories all too well-known. 30 It is worth noting, too, that for the = commentator=20 this rhetorical strategy is very much Dante's, attributable to the = poet=20 rather than the character. Additionally, Virgil's silence in = Dante's scene=20 is in fact broken in the commentary, and, as auctor and=20 autore are allowed, in effect, to speak together once = again, the=20 scene seems to be less about eating texts than about the = positioning and=20 orchestration of various authoritative voices. I would suggest = that=20 perhaps it is not so much cannibalism, but the issue of = interpretation=20 figured as a somewhat slanted "mirroring" (in conjunction with the = commentaries) that Chaucer found intriguing about the Ugolino = episode.=20 What Chaucer saw implied in Dante's Ugolino story and = explicit in=20 the commentary tradition are texts [End Page 288] mirroring = one=20 another, a reflective expression of the doubling nature of = authoritative=20 and commentative textuality, which Chaucer plays out in his lack = of=20 interest in Ugolino's punishment set alongside his explicit = reversal of=20 the weeping characters in the prison scene.=20

What I have been describing as the doubling = quality of=20 medieval exegetical textuality brings us to the Hugelyn = narrative's--and,=20 according to the Hengwrt and Ellesmere manuscripts, the Monk's=20 Tale's--final stanza, with its explicit mention of Dante. As I = mentioned above, Chaucer concludes his story of Hugelyn and = invites his=20 audience, at least "whoso wol here it in a lenger wise," to read = "the=20 grete poete of Ytaille / That highte Dant, for he kan al devyse / = Fro=20 point to point; nat o word wol he faille" (2459-62). David Wallace = has=20 demonstrated how earlier in the tale, in the Cenobia story, "the = name of=20 Petrarch is chosen to authorize, and characterize, the cultural=20 undertaking of the Monk's Tale," and that the citation of = Dante=20 near the end allows Chaucer to construct "a precise mirroring of=20 Boccaccio's De casibus: first we have the appearance of = Petrarch,=20 associated with figures from antiquity; then Dante appears, = associated=20 with figures from more recent times." 31 In addition to this mirroring, I would = argue, the=20 inclusion of, and conclusion with, Ugolino in the Monk's = Tale=20 allows the text to enact the tale's topic of fortune in terms of = literary=20 history. Dante's Comedy in the Trecento was the clearest = example=20 possible of how the construction of contemporary = auctoritas, a=20 vernacular poet's "rise" to the status of auctor, was = contingent=20 upon commentators, the "agents," as it were, of literary fortune. = 32 As Wallace notes regarding the tale's = political=20 valence, "the Monk's Tale . . . seems skeptical of the = notion that=20 any 'myghty man' can flourish in 'hye estaat' while rejecting = 'mannes=20 compaignye'" (Wallace 331). The same is true for would-be = poetae,=20 and their need for the "compaignye" of commentators, as the = Trecento=20 Comedy--not to mention Dante's own auto-exegetical = efforts--would=20 suggest. But Chaucer goes even further, suggesting the reversal of = fortune=20 possible in commentary, the instability of authority that glossing = can=20 create in its very attempt to authorize a text. Chaucer's version = of the=20 Ugolino story assumes the role of "commentary" which asks to be = glossed by=20 "authoritative" poetry, creating a text that appropriates Dante as = both=20 authoritative poet and authoritative commentator for an = English=20 text. 33=20

This reversal of authority is strikingly = analogous to the=20 chronological reversal the Hugelyn narrative enacts. Immediately = preceding=20 Hugelyn in the Monk's Tale, in a suggestive pairing (as = Robert=20 Burlin puts it) of "two imprisoned Italian nobles," is the single = stanza=20 on Bernab=F2 Visconti, the Monk's most recent tragic example. = 34 Bernab=F2 died in 1385, a date [End = Page 289]=20 late enough that critics who insist on the tale's supposedly early = composition are forced to argue that the stanza is a late = addition, part=20 of a reworking of the tale. 35 The following narrative of Ugolino, who = died=20 almost a century before Bernab=F2 in 1289, implies a direction for = the=20 "unfinished" Monk's Tale back to the past, introducing and=20 intimating a chronological recursiveness that threatens to take = the tale=20 back to the very beginning of fallen history from which it = started. If, as=20 David Wallace contends, the currency of the Bernab=F2 story = "destabilizes=20 the text while suggesting its open-endedness," the Hugelyn = narrative=20 further destabilizes it by suggesting to its audience that there = is no=20 historical or textual stability to be found in the past. 36 If the Bernab=F2 narrative "ends on a = note of=20 indeterminacy that foregrounds personal ignorance of the = historical=20 record," the Hugelyn story ends foregrounding the indeterminacy of = the=20 literary record, in this case, the record of Dante's story and its = need=20 for commentative explanation (Wallace 329). The Monk's Tale = textually insinuates endless oscillation from deep past (Lucifer = and Adam)=20 to immediate present and back toward the past again, and from = poetry to=20 commentary and back again, with an end point only potentially to = be=20 imposed from without--as the Knight does when he interrupts the = Monk's=20 tale collection. 37 Perhaps the Monk's Tale, for all = its=20 apparent interminability, and specifically the Hugelyn narrative, = is not=20 so much open-ended as imprisoned within the doubled discursive = walls of=20 text and gloss.=20

In the Trecento responses to Dante's = Comedy=20 Chaucer would have found texts that at once rewrote, altered, and = mirrored=20 Dante's poem, that figured in their own intertextuality the = subverted=20 binarism of father and children, poem and gloss in the Ugolino = story=20 itself. Ugolino's story on its own insists that, much as = Ugolino=20 might like to have it otherwise, the "last" (his children) shall = be first,=20 and in their own efforts to rewrite Dante the commentators = encourage the=20 same sort of reversal. Moreover, the heart of commentative = discourse in=20 the Trecento is restatement and translation, discourse that is at = the core=20 of the construction of Dantean auctoritas by the = commentators, the=20 still-evolving process within which Chaucer encountered Dante's = work. And=20 this is precisely how Chaucer's version of Ugolino operates: = through=20 translating and retelling another narrative. Finally, the Trecento = commentaries, which along with Dante's poem itself together = constituted=20 the Comedy of fourteenth-century literary history, are the = surest=20 indication that even Dante could not narrate everything, = "fro point=20 to point," never failing to be utterly clear and complete: "nat o = word wol=20 he faille." 38 Indeed, each gloss testifies at once to = the=20 polysemous success and in some sense the "failure" of the lone = Dantean=20 word. Chaucer ends his rewriting of Dante, and his Monk's = Tale, by=20 naming [End Page 290] and directing us to the "grete poete = of=20 Ytaille," not merely to pay what Steven Botterill has called a = "graceful=20 compliment" to Dante, nor to pay "glowing tribute" to the = miglior=20 fabbro, as Richard Neuse claims, and even less, I think, to = make some=20 sort of parodic joke at Dante's expense. 39 "I wol," the Monk begins, "biwaille in = manere of=20 tragedie / The harm of hem that stoode in heigh degree, / And = fillen"=20 (1991-93): the Monk's Tale commences with tragedy and ends = with the=20 Comedy, as Chaucer turns to his auctor for = elucidating=20 commentary in full recognition that the authority of a great poem = or poet=20 was constituted by an ongoing, intertextual process of literary = fortune=20 and, in several senses of the word, fabrication.=20

Niagara University =

Notes

* Earlier versions of this paper were presented = at the=20 New Chaucer Society Congress in Paris (July, 1998) and at the 32nd = International Congress on Medieval Studies in Kalamazoo (May, = 1997). The=20 research was supported in part by a Summer Research Award, College = of Arts=20 and Sciences, New Mexico State University.=20

1. These early commentaries include those of = Jacopo=20 Alighieri (1322), Graziolo de' Bambaglioli (1324), Jacopo della = Lana=20 (1324-28), Guido da Pisa (1333), the "Ottimo Commentatore," now = thought to=20 be the Florentine notary Andrea Lancia (1329), and Pietro = Alighieri (first=20 version, 1340), along with the anonymous Italian glosses known as = the=20 Chiose Selmiane (1337) and the Latin glosses known as the=20 Anonimo Lombardo (1322-25). These commentaries circulated=20 throughout the century and influenced later commentators writing = closer to=20 Chaucer's time, such as Boccaccio (1373) and Benvenuto da Imola = (1380).=20 The order of composition of the earliest commentaries is much = debated, as=20 is their influence on one another, which was often extensive as = they=20 continued to circulate over the course of the century; I'm = following dates=20 given by Paola Rigo, "Commenti danteschi," Dizionario critico = della=20 letteratura italiana, vol. 2 (Turin: UTET, 1986) 6-22, and = cited in=20 Deborah Parker, Commentary and Ideology: Dante in the = Renaissance=20 (Durham: Duke UP, 1993) 29. For information on the Trecento Dante=20 commentaries see the appropriate articles in Umberto Bosco, ed.,=20 Enciclopedia dantesca, 6 vols. (Rome: Istituto = dell'enciclopedia=20 italiana, 1970-78); see also Bruno Sandk=FChler, Die fr=FChen=20 Dantekommentare und ihr Verh=E4ltnis zur mittelalterlichen=20 Kommentartradition (Munich: Hueber, 1967). There also = survives, of=20 course, the Epistle to Can Grande, which, since its = exegetical=20 portion deals only with Paradiso 1, lies outside the scope = of this=20 paper. It does offer a touchstone example of the problems = intrinsic to the=20 Trecento commentary traditions: scholars continue to debate its = authorship=20 (Dante, an anonymous commentator, or, as has been suggested, Guido = da=20 Pisa), its date (placed by some to the late fourteenth century), = and the=20 degree to which it influenced other commentators. It should be = noted that=20 in the Trecento only Filippo Villani explicitly connects the=20 Epistle to Dante. See Zygmunt Baranski, "Comed=ECa. = Notes on=20 Dante, The Epistle to Cangrande, and Medieval Comedy," Lectura=20 Dantis 8 (1991): 26-55; and A. J. Minnis and A. B. Scott, with = David=20 Wallace, Medieval Literary Theory and Criticism, c. 1100-c. = 1375. The=20 Commentary Tradition, Rev. ed. (Oxford: Clarendon P, 1991) = 440-45.=20

2. See, for example, Tim William Machan, = Techniques of=20 Translation: Chaucer's Boece (Norman, OK: Pilgrim Books, = 1985);=20 Christopher Baswell, Virgil in Medieval England: Figuring = the=20 Aeneid from the Twelfth Century to Chaucer (Cambridge: = Cambridge=20 UP, 1995); Beryl Smalley, The Study of the Bible in the Middle = Ages=20 (Oxford, 1952; repr. Notre Dame: U of Notre Dame P, 1978); and A. = J.=20 Minnis, Medieval Theory of Authorship, 2nd ed. = (Philadelphia: U of=20 Pennsylvania P, 1988), each of which deals with the subject of the = mediation of classical and/or biblical auctores by medieval = commentary.=20

3. The "firsthand" experiences referred to are = Chaucer's=20 two documented missions to Italy, the first in 1372-73 (to Genoa = and=20 Florence) and the second in 1378 (to Lombardy). For a succinct = account of=20 Chaucer's Italian journeys, see Derek Pearsall, The Life of = Geoffrey=20 Chaucer: A Critical Biography (Oxford: Blackwell, 1992) 102-9. = Important works on the Italian influence on Chaucer include: = Howard H.=20 Schless, Chaucer and Dante: A Revaluation (Norman, OK: = Pilgrim=20 Books, 1984), and "Transformations: Chaucer's Use of Italian," in=20 Geoffrey Chaucer, ed. D. S. Brewer (Athens, OH: Uhio UP, = 1975)=20 184-223; Winthrop Wetherbee, Chaucer and the Poets: An Essay = on=20 Troilus and Criseyde (Ithaca: Cornell UP, 1984); Richard Neuse,=20 Chaucer's Dante: Allegory and Epic Theater in "The Canterbury=20 Tales" (Berkeley: U of California P, 1991); R. A. Shoaf, = Dante,=20 Chaucer, and the Currency of the Word: Money, Images, and = Reference in=20 Late Medieval Poetry (Norman, OK: Pilgrim Books, 1983); Karla = Taylor,=20 Chaucer Reads "The Divine Comedy" (Stanford: Stanford UP, = 1989);=20 Ann W. Astell, Chaucer and the Universe of Learning = (Ithaca:=20 Cornell UP, 1996); and David Wallace, Chaucerian Polity: = Absolutist=20 Lineages and Associational Forms in England and Italy = (Stanford:=20 Stanford UP, 1997). For an introduction to Trecento Dante = commentary=20 (along with selections from some of the early commentators), see = Minnis=20 and Scott, Medieval Literary Theory, 439-519, and Parker,=20 Commentary, 25-49.=20

4. A different, and to my mind more accurate, = descriptive=20 comparison may be found in R. A. Shoaf, "Dante's Comedy, = the Codex,=20 and the Margin of Error," in The Uses of Manuscripts in = Literary=20 Studies. Essays in Memory of Judson Boyce Allen, ed. Charlotte = Cook=20 Morse, Penelope Reed Doob, and Marjorie Curry Woods (Kalamazoo: = Medieval=20 Studies Institute, 1992) 1-17: "Dante and, after him, Chaucer are = the=20 medieval poets most fascinated by this margin of error. Both of = them are=20 poets of error, writing of that wandering which can, though it = does not=20 always, lead to truth" (11). For a recent discussion of truth in = the=20 Comedy and its openness to readerly experience and = response, see=20 William Franke, Dante's Interpretive Journey (Chicago: U of = Chicago=20 P, 1996).=20

5. Another way to pursue these questions has been = charted=20 by David Wallace in his work on Chaucer and Boccaccio. Boccaccio's = Filostrato and Teseida not only are major sources = for=20 Chaucer poems (the Troilus and the Knight's Tale,=20 respectively), but also incorporate numerous quotations from Dante = themselves. In other words, while my interest is learned Dante = commentary=20 and what that tradition can suggest about Chaucer's reading of = Dante,=20 Boccaccio's texts mediated Dante to Chaucer as well--although not = the=20 Ugolino story specifically. See David Wallace, Chaucer and the = Early=20 Writings of Boccaccio (Cambridge: D. S. Brewer, 1985).=20

6. For a similar approach applied to a different = Chaucerian=20 poem, see my forthcoming article, "Commentary and Comedic = Reception: Dante=20 and the Subject of Reading in the Parliament of Fowls," = Studies=20 in the Age of Chaucer 22 (2000).=20

7. Bibliographical information on editions of = these=20 commentaries will be included below. Of the other commentaries = mentioned=20 in Note 1, all include some biographical information on Ugolino, = his sons,=20 and his imprisonment, but they have little if anything to say = about=20 Dante's narrative per se, the one Chaucer recounts. For = examples,=20 see Anonymous Latin Commentary on Dante's "Commedia": = Reconstructed=20 Text, ed. Vincenzo Cioffari (Spoleto: Centro italiano di studi = sull'alto Medioevo, 1989) 136; and Jacopo Alighieri, Chiose = all'=20 "Inferno", ed. Saverio Bellomo (Padua: Antenore, 1990) 217. It = should=20 be mentioned that the Ottimo Commento exists in three = versions, the=20 latter two dated 1334-37 and 1337-40 respectively; the first = version seems=20 to have circulated most widely of the three. See Saverio Bellomo, = "Primi=20 appunti sull'Ottimo commento dantesco," Giornale storico = della=20 letteratura italiana, 157 (1980): 369-82, 533-40.=20

8. Wallace, Chaucerian Polity, 13. See = also=20 Pearsall, Life, 96-102.=20

9. Wendy Childs, "Anglo-Italian Contacts in the = Fourteenth=20 Century," in Chaucer and the Italian Trecento, ed. Piero = Boitani=20 (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1983) 65-87. The material referred to is = from=20 pages 68 and 74, respectively. Childs also remarks that "surviving = customs=20 accounts give us the names of twenty-nine Italians Chaucer = certainly met=20 trading through London in 1380-81 and 1384-85 as they were wool = exporters=20 for whom he sealed cockets at the custom house" (74). See also = Sylvia=20 Thrupp, The Merchant Class of Medieval London (Ann Arbor: U = of=20 Michigan P, 1948), and, on Italian merchants in England during the = thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries, T. H. Lloyd, Alien = Merchants=20 in England in the High Middle Ages (Sussex, 1982) 167-203.=20

10. See Schless, "Transformations" 193, and = Alice=20 Beardwood, Alien Merchants in England, 1350 to 1377 = (Cambridge, MA:=20 Harvard UP, 1931) 5, cited in Schless, Chaucer and Dante, = 6.=20

11. Christian Bec, Les marchands =E9crivains: = affaires et=20 humanisme =E0 Florence, 1375-1434 (Paris-La Haye, 1967) = 394-95, 409-10.=20 Bec goes so far as to say that ". . . la Divine Com=E9die a = tellement=20 p=E9n=E9tr=E9 la pens=E9e et la langage des mercatores que = certains de ses=20 vers les plus fameux et certains de ses personnages viennent = naturellement=20 sous la plume des hommes d'affaires" (396-7).=20

12. The somewhat more traditional speculation = that Chaucer=20 encountered the works of Italian authors in libraries on his trips = to=20 Italy should also be taken into consideration. See, for example, = Robert A.=20 Pratt, "Chaucer and the Visconti Libraries," ELH: A Journal of = English=20 Literary History 6 (1939): 191-99. On page 194 Pratt notes a = codex of=20 the Comedy accompanied by Lana's gloss and copied, = according to a=20 brief passage near the end of the volume, from a volume in = Bernab=F2=20 Visconti's library (which Chaucer may have had access to during = his second=20 Italian journey) sometime prior to Bernab=F2's death in 1385.=20

13. Dante Alighieri, La Commedia secondo = l'antica=20 vulgata, ed. Giorgio Petrocchi, 4 vols. (Milan: Mondadori, = 1966-67)=20 1.481-563.=20

14. While my purpose, as stated earlier, is not = to=20 establish an indisputable link between Chaucer and a specific=20 commentary--a probably impossible task--a case could be made for = Lana's=20 work having an especially good chance of coming into Chaucer's = hands.=20 Given the wide circulation of Lana in Italian (it survives in some = 25=20 fourteenth-century manuscripts), its eventual translation into = Latin by=20 Alberico da Rosciate, ca. 1350, and the numerous surviving = manuscripts of=20 the first recension of the Ottimo commentary (which relies heavily = on=20 Lana), it seems that of all the commentaries Lana's would have = been the=20 most likely one for Chaucer to have encountered. These = circumstances, of=20 course, do not preclude the possibility of Chaucer's contact with = other=20 commentaries as well. It must be admitted that there exists no = evidence=20 linking these manuscripts directly to England in Chaucer's time. = Steven=20 Botterill, in Dante and the Mystical Tradition (Cambridge:=20 Cambridge UP, 1994) 131, mentions this number of Lana manuscripts. =

15. Martin Irvine, "'Bothe text and gloss': = Manuscript=20 Form, the Textuality of Commentary, and Chaucer's Dream Poems," in = The=20 Uses of Manuscripts in Literary Studies. Essays in Memory of = Judson Boyce=20 Allen, Charlotte Cook Morse, Penelope Reed Doob, and Marjorie = Curry=20 Woods, ed. (Kalamazoo: Medieval Studies Institute, 1992) 81.=20

16. As Schless describes it, Dante's influence = on Chaucer=20 is "curiously particularized" ("Transformations" 217). I do not = mean to=20 imply, of course, that Chaucer's reaction to Dante is that of a=20 "commentator" reductively speaking, or that collectively his = responses to=20 Dante have something of the encyclopedic quality that certain of = the=20 commentaries do. Cf. Francesco Mazzoni, "Jacopo della Lana e la = crisi=20 nell'interpretazione della Divina Commedia," in Dante e = Bologna=20 nei tempi di Dante (Bologna: Commissione per i testi di = lingua, 1967)=20 274, describing Lana's commentary: "il discorso del commentatore = si=20 disnoda frammentario, in lezioni e questioni autonome, preso = com'=E8=20 nell'atmosfera di una enciclopedia didascalica o di una = Summa=20 dottrinale."=20

17. Fifteen manuscripts in which the Monk's = Tale=20 survives give its title as De casibus virorum illustrium. = See Helen=20 Cooper, The Canterbury Tales, Oxford Guides to Chaucer, 2nd = ed.=20 (Oxford: Oxford UP, 1996) 326. The Monk's tale collection itself = has been=20 the subject of a comparatively small but surprisingly varied body = of=20 critical response. To take just two recent examples, Jahan = Ramazani=20 discusses the Monk's "imaginative narrowness" (262), while = Michaela=20 Paasche Grudin considers the poetry in the tale to be "full of = 'solaas',=20 showing artful and bountiful variation throughout, as much, or = more, as=20 anything in the Canterbury Tales" (142). See Ramazani, = "Chaucer's=20 Monk: The Poetics of Abbreviation, Aggression, and Tragedy," = The=20 Chaucer Review 27 (1993): 259-76, and Grudin, Chaucer and = the=20 Politics of Discourse (Columbia: U of South Carolina P, 1996). = Other=20 studies of the tale include: Piero Boitani, "The Monk's = Tale: Dante=20 and Boccaccio," Medium Aevum 45 (1976): 50-69; Peter = Godman,=20 "Chaucer and Boccaccio's Latin Works," in Chaucer and the = Italian=20 Trecento, ed. Piero Boitani (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1983) = 269-95;=20 Renate Haas, "Chaucer's Monk's Tale: An Ingenious Criticism = of=20 Early Humanist Conceptions of Tragedy," Humanistica = Lovaniensia 36=20 (1987): 44-70; Douglas L. Lepley, "The Monk's Boethian Tale," = The=20 Chaucer Review 12 (1978): 162-70; Paul A. Olson, The = "Canterbury=20 Tales" and the Good Society (Princeton: Princeton UP, 1986) = 160-82,=20 which "locates the Monk's Tale between the Wycliffites and their = monastic=20 opponents" (161); Theodore Spencer, "The Story of Ugolino in Dante = and=20 Chaucer," Speculum 9 (1934): 295-301; Larry Scanlon, = Narrative,=20 Authority, and Power: The Medieval Exemplum and the Chaucerian=20 Tradition (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1994) 215-29; Edward M. = Socola,=20 "Chaucer's Development of Fortune in the 'Monk's Tale'," = Journal of=20 English and Germanic Philology 49 (1950): 159-71; William C. = Strange,=20 "The Monk's Tale: A Generous View," The Chaucer = Review 1=20 (1967): 167-80, which views, as does Socola's article, the = representation=20 of Fortune in the tale as changing over the course of the stories; = Wallace, Chaucerian Polity 299-336; Winthrop Wetherbee, = "The=20 Context of the Monk's Tale," in Language and Style in = English=20 Literature. Essays in Honor of Michio Masui, ed. Michio Kawai = (Tokyo:=20 The Eihosha Ltd., 1991) 159-77; and Jane Dick Zatta, "Chaucer's = Monk: A=20 Mighty Hunter before the Lord," The Chaucer Review 29 = (1994):=20 111-33, in which Zatta sees the tale as commenting on "some of the = controversies surrounding the nature of monarchy in the last years = of=20 Richard's reign" (111).=20

18. Scanlon, Narrative, 215, notes that = the tale's=20 "miniaturization [of the exemplum collection] foregrounds the = compression=20 already built into the genre, making the tale as much an analysis = of the=20 genre as an instance of it."=20

19. For reasons that should be clear by the end = of my=20 argument, I am inclined to favor the latter placement. For a = helpful=20 summary of the complexities of the Monk's Tale manuscripts, = see=20 Donald K. Fry, "The Ending of the Monk's Tale," Journal = of=20 English and Germanic Philology 71 (1972): 355-68. Fry argues = that the=20 "Modern Instances" should be placed at the end; Socola, = "Development," and=20 Strange, "Generous View," think the "Moderns" should come in the = middle,=20 with the tale ending with the narrative of Croesus. See also = Cooper,=20 Canterbury Tales, 325-7. I shall return to this question of = arrangement below.=20

20. Geoffrey Chaucer, The Riverside = Chaucer, Larry=20 D. Benson, gen. ed., 3rd ed. (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1987). All = quotations from Chaucer will be from this edition, and henceforth = cited in=20 the text.=20

21. The connotations and implications of = langour=20 are discussed incisively by Paul Spillenger in "'Oure flessh thou = yaf us':=20 Langour and Chaucer's Consumption of Dante in the = Hugelyn,"=20 Chaucer Yearbook 3 (1996): 103-28.=20

22. The comparable lines from Inferno are = 33.50-51,=20 "piangevan elli; e Anselmuccio mio / disse: 'Tu guardi s=EC, = padre! che=20 hai?'" [They wept, and my poor little Anselm said, 'You look so, = father,=20 what ails you?'], and, coming slightly later in the Monk's = Tale,=20 33.61-63, "'Padre, assai ci fia men doglia / se tu mangi di noi: = tu ne=20 vestisti / queste misere carni, e tu le spoglia'" ['Father, it = will be far=20 less painful to us if you eat of us; you did clothe us with this = wretched=20 flesh, and do you strip us of it!']. All quotations and = translations from=20 the Comedy are taken from Dante Alighieri, The Divine=20 Comedy, trans. with commentary by Charles S. Singleton, 3 = vols., 2nd=20 printing with corrections (Princeton: Princeton UP, 1977).=20

23. Boitani, "Monk's Tale" 59, notes that = Hugelyn's=20 tears, along with the introduction of langour, the emphasis = on food=20 and drink (as opposed to just food), and the degree of = attention=20 paid to the children are all more or less distinctive in Chaucer's = version. Boitani also suggests (54) that Hugelyn's tears, as well = as the=20 connection of Ugolino with the theme of Fortune, may have been = suggested=20 by Boccaccio's reference to Ugolino in his De casibus; see = Giovanni=20 Boccaccio, De casibus virorum illustrium, ed. Pier Giorgio = Ricci=20 and Vittorio Zaccaria, in Tutte le opere di Giovanni = Boccaccio,=20 vol. 9 (Milan: Mondadori, 1983) 820: "Attonitus magnanimi regis = declivium=20 callem spectabam adhuc, cum venientem Ugolinum, Pisarum comitem, = vidi,=20 amplissimo fletu civium suorum sevitiam ac inediam qua cum filiis = perierat=20 deflentem." Baddeley and Toynbee in Notes and Queries, Ser. = 8.11=20 (1897) 205-6 and 369-70, think that Chaucer may be drawing on = Villani's=20 chronicle for some extra details (cited in the note in the = Riverside=20 Chaucer, 933).=20

24. Caron Ann Cioffi, "The Sins of the Blind = Father: The=20 Statian Source for Dante's Presentation of Ugolino in = Inferno 32=20 and 33," in Lectura Dantis Newberryana, ed. Paolo Cherchi = and=20 Antonio C. Mastrobuono, vol. 2 (Evanston, IL: Northwestern UP, = 1990) 81.=20

25. Guido da Pisa, Expositiones et Glose = super Comediam=20 Dantis, ed. Vincenzo Cioffari (Albany: SUNY Press, 1974). = Quotations=20 from Guido are from this edition, although as a reliable critical = edition=20 it does leave something to be desired. See the review by Giuseppe=20 Billanovich in Studi medievali, 3rd ser. 17 (1976): 254-62. = Where=20 possible I have checked the readings of Cioffari's edition against = British=20 Library, Add. MS 31918, an early fifteenth-century manuscript of = the=20 Expositiones et Glose. For background on Guido, see Antonio = Canal,=20 Il mondo morale di Guido da Pisa interprete di Dante = (Bologna:=20 Patron, 1981). Translations from Guido and the other commentators = are my=20 own.=20

26. Rita Copeland, Rhetoric, Hermeneutics, = and=20 Translation in the Middle Ages: Academic Traditions and Vernacular = Texts (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1991) 105. Copeland is = referring here=20 mainly to Latin exegesis of Latin writing.=20

27. Quotations from Lana are from Jacopo della = Lana,=20 Commedia di Dante Allaghieri col Commento di Jacopo della Lana=20 bolognese, ed. Luciano Scarabelli, 3 vols. (Bologna: Regia, = 1866-67).=20 This note is from 1.500. Since Scarabelli's is another = less-than-reliable=20 edition of Dante commentary, I have compared his readings with = those of=20 the facsimile edition, La commedia col commento di Jacopo della = Lana=20 dal codice Francofortese Arci-=DF, ed. F. Schmidt-Knatz = (Frankfurt,=20 1939), but have retained Scarabelli's modernized orthography. This = fourteenth-century manuscript offers, as Luigi Rocca (with = reference to=20 Karl Witte's work) observes, "in moltissimi passi . . . una = lezione fuori=20 di dubbio pi=F9 corrette" than that of the early printed editions, = on which=20 Scarabelli's edition is based (Rocca, Di alcuni commenti della = "Divina=20 Commedia" composti nei primi vent'anni dopo la morte di Dante=20 [Florence: Sansoni, 1891] 141). Here the manuscript reads = "segondo," while=20 Scarabelli gives "detto." Lana's commentary also survives, in = manuscripts=20 from both the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, in a Latin = translation=20 made by Alberico da Rosciate in 1350.=20

28. Parker, Commentary and Ideology 17. = In addition=20 to "stories," "novelle" in Italian meant "news," although this = sense seems=20 less readily applicable, given Lana's sometimes disparaged = penchant for=20 storytelling, in the passage cited. Mazzoni, "Jacopo della Lana,"=20 describes Lana's intention here "per imbastire richiami ed = esortazioni, e=20 per esporre, attraverso l'esemplificazione, aneddoti, favole = moralizzate,=20 nell'intento di attrarre e nello stesso tempo erudire il lettore" = (276).=20 Intriguingly, Kurt Olsson has argued for Chaucer's representation = for the=20 Monk as a grammaticus and noted how "the Monk's = introduction to his=20 tale resembles an exercise of which the medieval grammarian was = master,=20 the accessus ad auctores," in "Grammar, Manhood, and Tears: = The=20 Curiosity of Chaucer's Monk," Modern Philology 76 (1978): = 2. On=20 this prologue and specifically its definition of tragedy (alluded = to at=20 the end of this paper), see Haas, "Chaucer's Monk's Tale"; = on 54=20 Haas notes, "Chaucer's close linking of 'tragedy' with the 'unwaar = strokes' of Fortune is not as new as it has seemed to some = Chaucerians."=20 On the medieval accessus form, see Minnis and Scott, = Medieval=20 Literary Theory 1-36, and Minnis, Authorship 9-72.=20

29. L'Ottimo Commento della "Divina Commedia" = di un=20 contemporaneo di Dante, ed. Alessandro Torri, 3 vols. (Pisa: = Capurro,=20 1827-29), 1.563. The interrelationship between L'Ottimo and Jacopo = della=20 Lana is complex. L'Ottimo draws on Lana often, and in some = manuscripts the=20 commentaries are combined. For a comparison of the two, see Karl = Witte,=20 "The Two Earliest Commentators on the Divine Comedy," in = Essays=20 on Dante by Dr. Karl Witte, ed. and trans. C. Mabel Lawrence = and=20 Philip H. Wicksteed (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1898) 310-49.=20

30. The Aeneid parallel is also noted by = Graziolo=20 de Bambaglioli, as well as by Pietro Alighieri. See Graziolo de=20 Bambaglioli, Il Commento dantesco di Graziolo de' Bambaglioli = dal=20 "Colombino" di Siviglia con altri codici raffrontato, ed. A. = Fiammazzo=20 (Savona: Bertollotto, 1915) 76, and Pietro Alighieri, Il = Commentarium=20 all' "Inferno", ed. Roberto della Vedova and Maria Teresa = Silvotti=20 (Florence: Olschki, 1978) 429-30.=20

31. Wallace, Chaucerian Polity 307, 313. = The lines=20 in question, which come in the middle of the Cenobia tale rather = than,=20 like the naming of Dante, at the end of the narrative, are = 2319-26:=20

Hir batailles, whoso list hem for to = rede,=20
Agayn Sapor the kyng and othere mo,
And how that al this = proces=20 fil in dede,
Why she conquered and what title had therto, =
And=20 after, of hir meschief and hire wo,
How that she was biseged = and=20 ytake--
Lat hym unto my maister Petrak go,
That writ = ynough of=20 this, I undertake.

32. Scanlon, Narrative (224), points out = that at=20 the end of his Hercules tale, when the Monk admonishes, "Beth war, = for=20 whan that Fortune list to glose, / Thanne wayteth she her man to=20 overthrowe" (2140-41), "Fortune is a gloss, the exchange of one = disruptive=20 term for another, that manifests itself as unpredictably and = disruptively=20 as possible. Like Boccaccio, the Monk has . . . made [Fortune]=20 disruptive discourse" (Scanlon's emphasis).=20

33. Rita Copeland has remarked on how Dante's=20 "Convivio demonstrates how the servant, commentary, has = become the=20 master discourse, the locus of meaning and the agent of rhetorical = control." See Rhetoric, Hermeneutics, and Translation 184.=20

34. Robert B. Burlin, Chaucerian Fiction=20 (Princeton: Princeton UP, 1977) 184. The Bernab=F2 stanza = (VII.2399-2406)=20 reads:=20

Off Melan grete Barnabo Viscounte, =
God of=20 delit and scourge of Lumbardye,
Why sholde I nat thyn = infortune=20 acounte,
Sith in estaat thow cloumbe were so hye?
Thy = brother=20 sone, that was thy double allye,
For he thy nevew was and=20 sone-in-lawe,
Withinne his prisoun made thee to dye-- =
But why ne=20 how noot I that thou were slawe.

35. For a recent argument for an early date of = composition=20 for the Monk's Tale, see M. C. Seymour, "Chaucer's Early = Poem De=20 Casibus Virorum Illustrium," The Chaucer Review 24 = (1989):=20 163-65.=20

36. See Wallace, Chaucerian Polity 319. = This is not=20 to say, of course, that this aim is intended by the Monk. In a = more=20 optimistic and intentionalist reading, Neuse suggests that "The = rhetoric=20 of Fortune . . . is the instrument by which the Monk seeks to = banish from=20 history the specters of grand design" (Chaucer's Dante = 149).=20

37. I do not mean to go so far as to suggest, in = the=20 manner of "dramatic" criticism of the Canterbury Tales, = that the=20 Knight himself reads this possible pattern and therefore = stops the=20 Monk. The classic interpretation of this scene is R. E. Kaske, = "The=20 Knight's Interruption of the Monk's Tale," English = Literary=20 History 24 (1957): 249-68.=20

38. For a somewhat different reading, see = Boitani,=20 "Monk's Tale" 64. Boitani interprets "al devyse / fro point = to=20 point" as referring specifically to the structure of the Ugolino = episode,=20 and suggests that 'pointing' is the term which . . . indicated an=20 aesthetic ideal and a technique which could adopt either of = Geoffrey of=20 Vinsauf's ways of treating a source, amplification or = abbreviation."=20

39. Steven Botterill, "Re-reading Lancelot: = Dante,=20 Chaucer, and Le Chevalier de la Charrette," Philological = Quarterly 67 (1988): 280; Neuse, Chaucer's Dante 159.=20

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