Legendary, mythological, and historical materials have long been sources
for English literature, and the study of the
ways sources are adapted has been a significant aspect of critical
practice. One of the standard assumptions of source
study is that sources carry their histories with them, and therefore
readers encountering legendary or historical
materials are able to supply a fuller context for the reference from
their existing cultural knowledge. Part of
literary-critical practice for the past hundred years has been the
explication of such references and the attempt to
understand and explain the contexts they bring to bear. Such work is
most evident in the study of ancient and medieval
cultures, where it focuses on the recovery of lost contexts, but it can
also be found, for example, in the work of
Joyce-scholars attempting to unwind the layers of multilingual references
in Finnegans Wake.
There are serious theoretical objections to the reflexive practice of
source study, the most obvious being that
source-based interpretations privilege the experiences of a particular
(and perhaps privileged) group of readers who
possess the context to which a reference metonymically refers. This
objection is strengthened in the case of
source-study of children's literature. Whereas it is reasonable to assume
that adult readers possess at least a modicum
of the shared cultural context necessary to ensure communication through
reference, the intended readers of children's
books are likely to be encountering many references for the first
time. Presumably they do not have what E. D. Hirsch
calls the "cultural literacy" (10-18) to reconstruct a reference
from an allusion. Nor may they be sophisticated
enough to understand fully the idea that the adaptation of a source is
equivalent to its modification, or that
adaptations
[End Page 230]
often work to fix ambiguous meanings. What would
appear to an adult reader or critic as the
adaptation of source material would seem to be to many (particularly
younger or less acculturated) child readers either
authorial invention or, more problematically, factual history.
Source study would therefore seem to be an unrewarding approach to the
analysis of children's literature. Such study
privileges one sort of reader, the informed, educated critic, at the
expense of another, the less educated (perhaps
naive) child and replicates in discourse the sorts of vertical power
relations stereotypical of the interactions
between adults and children. These sort of objections are reasonable,
and I do not intend to refute them in this paper.
I hope to demonstrate, however, that examination of the sources for a
certain type of children's literature can be a
fruitful critical practice. I will argue the counterintuitive proposition
that even though children cannot be expected
to reconstruct the cultural context of historical and mythological
allusions, these allusions--or, more accurately, the
allusions intertwined with their previous political
appropriations--fundamentally shape the text beyond the control of
the author and beyond the conscious apprehension of the child reader. That
is, traditional and historical materials (of
certain traditions and histories) carry with them coded meanings at a
level that is not immediately apparent but that
nevertheless operates to exercise ideological control of the text.
The object of my study is Susan Cooper's five-part fantasy series, The
Dark is Rising (published 1965-1977)
and the medieval myths, legends, and historical materials that are its
sources. Although critics have focused on
Cooper's reworking of Celtic and Arthurian legends, they have missed or
ignored a third strand of the author's "magical
medievalism" (the phrase is Peter Goodrich's), her use of Anglo-Saxon
source materials. In this essay I will identify
these hitherto unremarked sources for Cooper's epic fantasy, sources
which include Beowulf, the Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle, various Old English poems, and the persona of King
Alfred. I will then show that Cooper's uses of
Anglo-Saxon sources are allusions that fit into a schema of history
rather than (in the words of one reviewer) being
merely tossed "pell-mell" into the mythical pot in a fashion "aimed
chiefly at engendering breathless bewilderment"
("Imaginary" 685). I will then demonstrate the ways the sources
ideologically shape Cooper's texts and contribute to
"Anglo-Saxonism," the construction of a "a self-conscious national and
racial identity . . ." (Frantzen, "Preface"
1).
1
It is Cooper's Anglo-Saxonism, I argue, which generates
the notions of British national identity
explicated in the novels, notions that contradict the author's overt
political stance. In addition, Cooper's particular
version of
[End Page 231]
Anglo-Saxonism, with its strong focus on teaching and
learning, is isomorphic to the ideology of
adult/child power relations represented in the novels, an ideology that
puts great weight on the value of obedience to
authority. Adult/child power relations are both replicated and reinforced
by two other sets of opposed terms:
British/non-British and supernatural/mundane, and all of these terms
are finally subsumed in Cooper's Manichaean
binary, Light/Dark, leading to a closed symbolic economy which exalts
personal obedience to authority and views
Anglo-Saxons and their ideologies--as they were for the Venerable Bede
in A.D. 771--as clearly on the side of the
angels.
The Dark is Rising is the second book in Cooper's sequence (it
also provides the title for the entire
series),
2
and it is in this novel that the author truly began
to shape the structure and metaphysics of her
fantasy universe only hinted at in the first book, Over Sea Under
Stone (244-52). Will Stanton, the likable
protagonist of The Dark is Rising, discovers on his eleventh
birthday that he is not merely a young boy growing
up in Buckinghamshire, but also the youngest and last of the "Old Ones,
who are as old as this land [England] and older
even than that" (32). The circle of the Old Ones spans both time and
space, representing the power of the Light, one of
the primal forces of magic and morality, and Will is the first to be
born in 500 years (36). Set in eternal opposition
to the Light, in Cooper's Manichaean universe, is the Dark. Will's quest
in this novel is to complete his education as
an Old One and gather together the six Signs of Light in order to vanquish
the Dark, which has begun a great "rising"
in an attempt to destroy the Light and take power over the world. The
magical signs are hidden in various locations and
centuries in Will's Buckinghampshire village. Each is made of or
represents a different material (iron, bronze, wood,
stone, fire, and water), though all are in the same form of a circle
quartered by a cross. Will finds them by luck,
predestination, and the interpretation of a prophetic poem. In the later
novels the signs are joined by other "Things
of Power" (Dark 128)--including a golden harp and a crystal
sword. To quote Peter Goodrich: "If all this sounds
complicated, I assure you it is!" (166).
The most obvious use of an Anglo-Saxon source in The Dark is Rising
occurs when Will retrieves the fifth of the
six magical signs, the Sign of Fire, from the "candles of the winter"
in a complex scene that shifts rapidly between
times, places, and perspectives (Dark 169, 170-71). Cooper
describes the Sign thus:
It was . . . one of the most beautiful things [Will] had ever seen. Gold
of several different colours had been beaten
together with great craftsmanship
[End Page 232]
to make its crossed-circle shape,
and on all sides it was set with tiny gems,
rubies and emeralds and sapphires and diamonds, in strange runic patterns
that looked oddly familiar to Will. It
glittered and gleamed in his hand like all kinds of fire that ever
were. Looking closer, he saw some words written very
small around the outer edge:
LIHT MEC HEHT GEWYRCAN
Merriman said softly: "The Light ordered that I should be
made." (Dark 170-71)
The Sign of Fire is based on a real artifact: the Alfred Jewel, a relic
of Anglo-Saxon England held in Oxford's
Ashmolean Museum.
3
Though the Jewel lacks the tiny gems and
runic patterns, and it is not shaped in the
"circle quartered by a cross" sign of Light, it is marked with a nearly
identical inscription in Old English: AELFRED
MEC HEHT GEWYRCAN, literally, "Ælfred commanded to make me." Cooper,
educated at Oxford, where she attended the
lectures of medievalists C. S. Lewis and J. R. R. Tolkien (McElderry
369), is likely to have known the Alfred Jewel from its display in the
Ashmolean Museum.
Further evidence for the Jewel as a specific allusion comes from the
Old English quotation which, due to the word forms
used, is unlikely to have been fabricated by even a fully trained medieval
scholar. Even if she had studied Old
English, Cooper would be unlikely to translate a modern, fictional
inscription into anything other than "standard" West
Saxon, while the inscription is in Mercian, a rarer dialect
form.
4
Additionally, the Alfred Jewel is the
only object from the Anglo-Saxon period (except the probably fraudulent
"Sigerie" ring) to contain an inscription in
the form "commanded me to be made" (Hinton 40). Cooper means her Sign
of Fire to be connected to the Jewel.
This connection is more significant than merely the identification of
a literary description as an artifact in a
museum. Though the exact date and provenance of the Jewel are unknown,
scholars agree that the object, found in 1693 at
North Petherton, Somerset, comes from the second half of the ninth or
the early tenth century and that "the traditional
identification of the Alfred named on the inscription as King Alfred
the Great (871-99) is plausible" (Hinton 35,
44). We learn in book five of the Dark is Rising that the Sign
of Fire was made by the craftsmen of the Lost
Land who "did their most marvelous work" at the behest of the "Lords of
the Light" (Silver 160). Since it was
Alfred who commanded the Jewel to be made, Cooper must intend the king
to be one of these lords.
As well as linking the historical persona of Alfred to the Light, Cooper's
use of the Jewel as her template for the
Sign of Fire invokes
[End Page 233]
Alfred's program to revive learning in the
aftermath of a century of Viking raids. Scholars
are in general agreement that the Jewel is a part of one of the enigmatic
"æstels,"
5
objects that
Alfred commanded to be sent to each bishopric in his kingdom in
accompaniment with a copy of the king's Old English
translation of Gregory the Great's Pastoral Care (Keynes and
Lapidge 205). The "æstel" seems to have been
a pointer used as an aid in reading and the Alfred Jewel an ornate handle
for such a pointing rod of wood or ivory
(Howlett 73-74). The presence of Alfred among the "Lords of the
Light" and the use of the Jewel as a source for
the Sign of Fire unifies two streams of Cooper's ideology in The Dark
is Rising: British nationalism and the
importance of education to that nationalism. King Alfred, "England's
Darling," is often considered to be the first king
to "hold sway over the whole of England." More accurately, he was the
first king to rule all of England not occupied by
Danish (Viking) invaders, establishing West Saxon political hegemony
after fighting off several attempted Viking
conquests. In addition to his political accomplishments, Alfred brought
about a "reconstruction and reform" of learning
in England, including the most significant translation of important
religious and philosophical works into the
vernacular in the early Middle Ages (Keynes and Lapidge 23-41,
46-48).
Cooper invokes the Anglo-Saxon struggle against Danish invaders throughout
the sequence of novels, each time closely
associating them with the evil of the "Dark." In Greenwitch, the
third novel, these invaders are not identified
as Danes (although they wear "boar-helmets" like those described in
Beowulf and found in the Sutton Hoo
excavation), but in one character's vision they attack the Cornish coast
from what seem to be Viking longships
(98).
6
In the final novel, Silver on the Tree, Will
has a vision of "Saxon boys . . . watching
terrified for the marauding Danes" (15). One of the boys relates omens
of the impending invasion: "There was blood
instead of rain fell in the east last month . . . and men saw dragons
flying in the sky" (9). Cooper's source for these
portents is the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (55), a document written
in Alfred's West Saxon kingdom. One of the
Chronicle's propogandistic purposes is the glorification of the struggle
against the Vikings as part of a general
glorification of the West Saxon dynasty of which Alfred was a part.
Cooper receives this glorification of Alfred through previous
appropriations of the king by nineteenth-century writers
who claimed that Alfred was a national hero, a worthy predecessor of
Victoria and an appropriate precursor to the
British empire (Richmond 11-13). But Cooper does not, I think,
choose Alfred as a Lord of the Light for these
reasons; she adds Alfred to her pantheon because his work to contain
the Danish invasions
[End Page 234]
is parallel to her
interpretation of the political acts of the one English king she does
discuss, the mythical Arthur. Just as in Arthur's
time an invasion of the island was temporarily halted,
7
so
too Alfred held off violent invaders as cycles of
invasion, defense, conquest, and assimilation are repeated. For, according
to Cooper, specific waves of invaders may be
repelled, but ". . . the force of nature they represent has never yet
been driven back for long" (Silver 26). ".
. . the peace of Arthur that we shall gain for this island at Badon will
be lost, before long, and for a time the world
will seem to vanish beneath the shadow of the Dark. And emerge, and
vanish again, and again emerge, as it has done
through all the length of what men call their history" (Silver
44). But there is hope even in the midst of this
fatalism. After invasions, ". . . the Light waits always for the force
of the Dark to ebb, so that the grandsons of the
invaders may be gentled and tamed by the land their forefathers despoiled"
(Silver 240).
One method by means of which this gentling and taming occurs is through
the learning and culture that is the other,
non-military face of King Alfred, a point to which I shall return. Cooper
also suggests that gentling can be
accomplished by racial mixing. In Silver on the Tree Will, Bran,
and Barney are brought back in time to the
headquarters of the fifteenth-century Welsh partisan leader Owain
Glyndwr,
8
who laments:
"The Norman rides always on the back of the Dark, as the Saxon did, and
the Dane." Barney said unhappily, "And I'm all
those things mixed up, I suppose. Norman and Anglo-Saxon and
Dane." [Glyndwr is taken aback to learn that Barney comes
from so far in the future, but he accepts the boy] "No worry about your
race, boy. Time changes the nature of them all
in the end" [Glyndwr said]. (221)
Barney is the youngest of the three Drew children, who have aligned
themselves with the Light and who perform special
roles in the sequence even though they are "no more than mortal"
(Silver 264). Their identity as racially mixed
and thus representative of modern England shows that although Cooper's
construction of identity is far from the overt
racialism of early twentieth-century juvenile fiction like M. I. Ebbutt's
1912 Hero Myths and Legends of the British
Race (xxi-xxviii), she is nevertheless influenced by the notion
that racial blending forms a "distinctive
British identity that is largely Northern European" (Richmond 5). This
idea, as Reginald Horsman has shown, has a long
pedigree both in England and the United States (62-78,
158-86). Glyndwr's pleasantly enlightened attitude
towards race (probably far from the true beliefs of the historical figure
and certainly contrary to those of his
seventeenth-century appropriators) seems an example of the author's
speaking through a character and is a good example
of her ideology. For Cooper, the Light is on the side
[End Page 235]
of the good,
and good people do not practice race-hatred.
Therefore Glyndwr, on the side of the Light, must have an
anachronistically modern attitude towards race.
Cooper's most powerful comment on this issue appears at the beginning
of Silver on the Tree. Will, his slightly
older brother James, and Stephen, his full-grown brother on leave from
the Royal Navy, take a short fishing trip to the
bank of the Thames. On their return the Stantons see three English boys
tormenting a young Sikh child named Manny
Singh. After some abusive racial teasing, the leader of the toughs,
Richie Moore, throws Singh's music case into an
algae-filled stream. Stephen Stanton then intervenes, tossing Richie
into the stream to retrieve the case
(Silver 18-21). The next day Richie's father arrives at the
Stantons' to discuss the matter with Stephen.
His suggestion that Richie was justified in teasing the "Indian kid from
the Common" and his comment that "coloureds"
are "always on about something" (51-52) provokes a heated exchange,
including these impassioned comments from
Stephen:
"Do you know Calcutta, Mr. Moore?" he said. "Have you ever had beggars
grabbing at your feet, calling out to you,
children half the size of Will here with an arm missing, or an eye, and
ribs like xylophones and their legs stinking
from sores? If I lived in a place with that kind of despair round me,
I think I just might decide to bring up my kids
in a country where they'd have a better chance. Specially a country that
had exploited by own for about two hundred
years. Wouldn't you? Or Jamaica, now. Do you know how many children get
to a secondary school there? D'you know the
unemployment rate? D'you know what the slums are like in Kingston? Do
you know--"
"Stephen," said his father gently.
Stephen stopped. The raffia string in his hands snapped. (53)
Mr. Moore then launches into an anti-immigrant, racist tirade and rapidly
leaves the scene. Will is shaken by more than
"the fading memory of a single bigot like Mr. Moore," because he realizes
that the man's "mindless ferocity" and "real
loathing born of nothing more solid than insecurity and fear" was a
"channel down which the powers of the Dark, if they
gained their freedom, could ride in an instant to complete control of
the earth" (54).
The ideological content of this scene is typical of the time of Silver
on the Tree's production. Stephen's
refrain of "Do you know?" and Will's analysis (in free indirect discourse)
that Moore's hatred arises from "nothing
more solid than insecurity and fear" suggests the conventional notion
that racial animosity is the product of a lack of
understanding.
9
It is fair, I think, and no slight to Cooper,
to take this as the ideology (I would venture
to guess that she would call it "morality") that she would like to
[End Page 236]
inculcate in her readers. But this ideology of
tolerance, even brotherhood, goes hand-in-hand with an equally powerful
ethnocentric strain in The Dark is
Rising, a strain that comes from the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle
through nineteenth-century appropriations of King
Alfred. This ethnocentric strain, some might suggest, works to counteract
the power of understanding to alleviate
racial strife. At its most powerful it suggests British imperialism.
The most obvious ethnocentric element of The Dark is Rising series
is to some degree unavoidable in a "High
Fantasy" novel that treats cosmic struggles: the story cannot take place
in all locations on earth at once, so some
places are privileged (in this case, England)
10
over others
just as the actions of a select group of
protagonists are elevated over the struggles of the rest of humanity. Jack
Zipes has noted that in fantasy literature
"the small person" is raised "to the position of God" (146); fantasy
literature is highly ego-centric, so we
should not be surprised to find it ethno-centric. But Cooper does
not only privilege the subjectivities of her
characters, she develops a trope familiar from the nineteenth-century
adaptations of medieval materials, the notion of
a unique and superior British identity. This identity is manifested in
the behavior of English people faced with
danger. In The Dark is Rising, for instance, when on account of
heavy snows many of the Huntercombe villagers
have assembled in the local Manor--a turn of events Will's father calls
"almost feudal" (147)--Will notes:
". . . things are absolutely awful, and yet people look much happier
than usual. Look at them. Bubbling."
"They are English," Merriman said.
"Quite right," said Will's father. "Splendid in adversity, tedious when
safe. Never content, in fact. We're an odd lot.
You're not English, are you?" he said suddenly to Merriman, and Will
was astonished to hear a slightly hostile note in
his voice. (153)
This construction of a unique and valuable English identity coupled to
a mistrust of foreigners occurs in other places
throughout the sequence. In Greenwitch, for example, the Cornish
villagers will not allow Will Stanton's aunt,
an American, to attend the making of the Greenwitch. "She'm a furriner,
you see. Tisn't fitting," says Mrs. Penhallow,
the housekeeper, who nevertheless invites Jane Drew to the ceremony
(26). Jane is not a villager, but she is still
English.
These and other expressions of ethnocentrism appear to be somewhat
mitigated by the international flavor of the Old
Ones' circle. When all the forces of the Light are assembled in Silver
on the Tree, Simon Drew describes the
many Old Ones on the "time train" as ". . . the most peculiar mixture
of people, in all different clothes. All kinds
and colours and
[End Page 237]
shapes. It's like the United Nations" (228). Likewise
the carnival head that plays a vital part in
the second novel comes from an old Jamaican man (who makes a cameo
appearance in Silver on the Tree) who gives
the head to Stephen to send to Will (Dark 113-14;
Silver 227). But these international touches have
an unsettling imperialist edge. The Lords of the Light--Merriman, The
Lady, Bran, Arthur--are invariably English, and
the circle of the Old Ones reports back to England as if they were
colonial governors reporting to the home office: the
old Jamaican man tells Stephen to convey to Will that "the Old Ones of
the ocean islands are ready"; at Gibraltar (like
Jamaica, a former colony) an Arab reports that the Old Ones of the South
are likewise "ready" (13). Command and control
of the Light is clearly situated in the British Isles, and this power
structure reproduces the social relations
characterized by the Victorian and Edwardian writers through whose work
our perceptions of the Middle Ages are
invariably affected.
Cooper's use of King Alfred, therefore, is all the more significant,
because the king was the single most important
Anglo-Saxon figure to Victorian and Edwardian writers. In an essay
important for the study of both medievalism and
children's literature, Velma Bourgeois Richmond has shown that in the
Victorian and Edwardian periods the figure of
King Alfred was consistently identified as the source of English
culture. A great number of children's books dramatized
Alfred's life, in particular his military successes (11-13). Alfred's
educational program of translation and
education is also associated with the formation of Anglo-Saxon identity,
and it is with education that Cooper weaves
together Anglo-Saxonism and the forging of the identity of her characters,
both humans and Old Ones.
Education is, in fact, the single most powerful process by means of
which the Light wields its power and accomplishes
its goals, and an understanding of Cooper's ideology of education clears
up some moments in the narrative that have
been opaque to previous critics. Lois Kuznets, for example, has noted
that in her depiction of Bran, the co-hero of
The Grey King (and King Arthur's son brought forward in time to
the twentieth century), Cooper takes great care
"to establish Bran's bloodline credentials" but pays relatively scant
attention "to his training for the task he's
assigned." Kuznets believes this lack of training to be a defect in
Cooper's work (28). Likewise Raymond Plante finds
too much of the children's passing of various tests to rely on their
unexplained possession of bits of obscure
knowledge: "at . . . crucial points in the battle between good and evil,
superhumans succeed through ritual action,
unlike ordinary
[End Page 238]
humans who succeed through virtuous action"
(39). These critiques are to some degree correct.
There are perhaps too many moments when all of the children seem to
reach deep within their minds to extricate some bit
of intuition that subsequently saves the day. But the two examples Plante
cites do not in fact fit this description.
In The Grey King Bran and Will must obtain the Golden Harp of
Light from its keepers, three "Lords of the High
Magic" in a cave beneath Craig yr Aderyn (Bird Rock) (90-93). The
boys much each answer riddles posed to them by
the Lords. Bran is asked to name the Three Elders of the World:
. . . somewhere he knew . . . it was strange and yet familiar, as if
somewhere he had seen or read . . . the three
oldest creatures, the three oldest things . . . he had read it in school,
and he had read it in Welsh . . . Bran stood
up straight and cleared his throat. "The Three Elders of the World," he
said, "are the Owl of Cwm Cawlwyd, the Eagle of
Gwernabwy, and the Blackbird of Celle Gadarn." (92-93)
"This is not the most obvious first guess," Plante writes (39). But
neither is it intuitive knowledge magically
implanted in Bran. The Owl and the Eagle are mentioned in the story
"How Culhwch won Olwen" in the Mabinogion
(164-65), and the Three Elders are so named and treated as a group
in Triad 92 of the Trioedd Ynys Prydain
(The Triads of the Island of Britain), a collection of traditional
Welsh poetry (Bromwich 334).
11
As
Bran says, he would have read these tales in school and he would have
read them in Welsh. He finds the answers to the
riddles because he is literate in his traditional national literature,
a literature that constructs national (hence
ethnocentric) identities in the same ways the use of King Alfred's story
did for Victorian and Edwardian writers.
Will Stanton's education as an Old One does not take place in the
schoolrooms of his nation, but it is nevertheless
Anglo-Saxonist in bent. Will learns the secret knowledge of the Old Ones
by reading the magical Book of Gramarye
(Dark 88). "Gramarye," as Thomas Shippey explains in his fine
analysis of the term as applied to the writings of
J. R. R. Tolkien, means "occult learning" and was revived in literary
use by Sir Walter Scott (40). "Gramarye" is also
used by T. H. White in The Once and Future King to describe the
kingdom of England in a romanticized Middle Ages
(510). In Cooper's works these meanings are blended, and the occult
learning turns out to be passed through a very
British filter. Will does not need to study the Book of
Gramarye: by reading a single line he is actually
transported to the place and time he is to study and thus learns the
secrets of the Old Ones through a kind of passive
implantation of knowledge, "a long lifetime of discovery and wisdom
given to him in a
[End Page 239]
moment of suspended time"
(Dark 108). The lines that trigger the transmission of knowledge
come from Anglo-Saxon and Welsh tradition (and
from nineteenth-
and twentieth-century authors' adaptations of that
tradition).
12
The phrase from the
Book of Gramarye with an Anglo-Saxon source, "I am fire-fretted
and I flirt with the wind" (Dark 93) is
the first line of Riddle 30a, "Timber-Cross," in the Exeter
Book. The Old English quotation, "ice eom legbysig,
lace mid winde" (Krapp and Dobbie 195-96) can be translated a number
of ways, and Cooper slightly modifies the
version in Michael Alexander's 1966 The Earliest English Poems
(97). The line from the riddle introduces Will's
learning of tree lore, and it is on this lore that he draws for his
answer to the riddle posed to him in the chamber
under Bird Rock (Grey 95).
13
Both Will and Bran rely
on knowledge that arises out of medieval
materials
14
that have been used to inculcate in them an
identity that grows out of these traditions. Both
succeed in their quests because of their knowledge of the same cultural
traditions that have been used by many other
authors over many years to create a self-conscious national and racial
identity in England.
Cooper also draws on the tradition of Anglo-Saxon poetry and its study,
an educational tradition, Allen J. Frantzen has
shown, that was exceedingly powerful in shaping the study of all
literature in the late nineteenth and early
twentieth centuries (Desire 74-83).
15
Cooper's
most prominent echo of Anglo-Saxon poetic style
is the poem that Will Stanton and Merriman Lyon (the greatest of the
Old Ones, and in fact King Arthur's Merlin)
decipher at the end of Greenwitch:
On the day of the dead, when the year too dies,
Must the youngest open the oldest hills
Through the door of the birds, where the breeze breaks.
There fire shall fly from the raven boy,
And the silver eyes that see the wind,
And the light shall have the harp of gold. (125)
This poem, which continues for two additional stanzas, fits the definition
of the Old English alliterative line,
"composed of two opposed word-groups or 'halves,'" and dependent upon
"agreement of the stresses in beginning with the
same consonant or in beginning with no consonant" (Tolkien, "Preface"
xxix, xxxv). Not all of Cooper's lines scan
perfectly, and her use of tail-rhyme in addition to alliteration occurs
in only one Old English poem, the Riming
Poem in the Exeter Book (Krapp and Dobbie 166-69). But
it seems clear the Cooper modeled her prophetic
lines on Old English verse, thus evoking the cultural connotations of
that verse, connotations that--as received
through the ideological filter of nineteenth-
and early
[End Page 240]
twentieth-century scholars--include notions of a unique,
superior (and Germanic) English identity closely aligned with those
evoked by the references to King Alfred and the
defense of home soil against invasion.
But Cooper does not merely invoke the general connotations of Old English
verse; she explicitly alludes to the most
famous of all Old English poems, Beowulf. Will Stanton recovers
the final Sign of Light, the crystal Sign of
Water, from the hands of a dead king whose funeral ship rises from
beneath the earth on the banks of the Thames. The
first part of the ship Will sees is an ornament of a stag on its prow. The
dead king wears a helmet that "covered the
head and most of the face, crested by a heavy silver image of a
long-snouted animal that Will thought must be a wild
boar." And when he boards the ship Will walks past ". . . fine work of
engraved leather and woven robes, and jewelry of
enamels and cloisonné and filigree gold" (Dark
189-90). These objects--stag or hart ornament, boar
helmet, enameled jewelry--are all familiar from the famous Sutton Hoo
ship burial, unearthed in Suffolk in 1939
(Hodgkin 696-734), and they have been long connected by scholars
to the poetic world of
Beowulf.
16
A boar-helmet, for example is described in
lines 303-4 of Beowulf, and King
Hrothgar's hall is named Heorot, the "hall of the hart" (Klaeber 12,
129). Additionally, Merriman's explanation of the
dead king's history seems to connect him to specific figures in the poem:
"An English king, of the Dark Ages. I think we will not use his name. The
Dark Ages were rightly named, a shadowy time
for the world, when the Black Riders rode unhindered over all our
land. Only the Old Ones and a few noble brave men
like this one kept the Light alive."
"And he was buried in a ship, like the Vikings." Will was watching
the light glimmer on the golden stag of the
prow.
"He was part Viking himself," Merriman said. "There were three
great ship-burials near this Thames of yours, in
days past. One was dug up in the last century near Taplow, and destroyed
in the process. One was this ship of the
Light, not destined to be found by men. And one was the greatest ship,
of the greatest king of all, and this they have
not found and perhaps never will. It lies in peace." (Dark 192)
When Will has received the Sign of Water from the dead king, the Dark,
in anger and frustration, strikes the ship with
a bolt of lightning, setting it ablaze. Will is upset at the destruction,
but Merriman comforts him with the suggestion
that flames are an appropriate end for the ship:
When this king's father died, he was laid in a ship in the same way,
with all his most splendid possessions round him,
but the ship was not buried. That was not the way. The king's men set
fire to it and sent it off burning alone over the
sea, a tremendous sailing pyre. (Dark 192-93)
[End Page 241]
Cooper here seems to be suggesting that the king on the burning ship is
Beow, the son of Scyld Scefing.
17
Scyld's life, death, and funeral pyre are described in the first fifty
lines of Beowulf (Klaeber 1-3), and
Scyld, Beow and Beow's son Tætwa also make appearances in the West
Saxon genealogy of King Alfred as reported by
the Welsh monk Asser (Keynes and Lapidge 68). Cooper may intend
Tætwa to be connected to Tæppa, the warrior
whose burial mound was unearthed at Taplow (Hodgkin 696-734). In
any case, Cooper is here again weaving a tapestry
of Anglo-Saxon history and culture around historical or literary
individuals who, like Alfred and Arthur, are described
as "Lords of the Light." These individuals are connected to each other
through genealogy and culture, just as Will and
Bran are chosen both by birth and by education for their places in the
Light. More significantly, Simon, Jane, and
Barney Drew are chosen for their roles not because of any supernatural
heritage or abilities but because their identity
as racially blended, culturally English children prepares them with the
qualities of bravery, obedience, and an
inclination to the side of the good. The Beowulf-critic whose
lectures Cooper attended believed these qualities
to be central to the hero of the poem. In the most influential article
ever written about Beowulf, J. R. R.
Tolkien averred: "Beowulf is a man and that for him, and many is
sufficient tragedy" (24), suggesting that the real
virtues of the hero are his courage and integrity (virtues possessed by
the Drews), not his seemingly supernatural
strength. Tolkien also saw the work of Beowulf as closely connected
to ideas of nationality: "[the poem] was
made in this land and moves in our northern world beneath our northern
sky, and for those who are native to that tongue
and land, it must ever call with profound appeal" (36). Cooper's
characters are "native to that tongue and land" and
are in part constructed (just as Tolkien's interpretation was) by the
rhetorical and ideological power of the materials
she uses as sources.
My project in this paper has been to show that such materials cannot be
so easily re-appropriated; that Cooper's
Anglo-Saxon sources carry with them cultural values and orders of power
and knowledge that are not entirely within the
author's control; and that this recalcitrance of the source material
includes not only the medieval sources themselves,
but their subsequent use by other writers. As Fredric Jameson notes,
the appropriation of materials to "express
contemporary realities must, willy-nilly, pass through the sedimentary
layers of . . . previous appropriations" (141).
That is, not only do Cooper's Anglo-Saxon sources resist her control,
but they also must be perceived through the
filter of their previous uses, including the appropriations of Victorian
and Edwardian polemicists and those of other
fantasy writers. It is possible, however, that not every
[End Page 242]
emergence
of Anglo-Saxonist ideology in Cooper's work
contradicts the author's wishes. Cooper's national identity and her
personal experience with invasion may have helped
to shape her view of English history. She begins her 1976 Newbery Award
acceptance speech by invoking her nationality,
calling herself "A very nervous Limey . . . I do, after all, live near
Boston, where the history of the wicked British
pursues me at every turn. Especially as recounted by my American children"
(361). She then goes on to discuss the
specter of invasion that haunted her throughout her childhood during
World War II and her belief that she channeled
some of that "haunting" into her fiction (365-66). But even if she
did not consciously choose to portray English
history as the struggle against invasion, her sources have worked to do
so. As I have shown, these materials construct
a political order in which England holds a central and privileged
position. They also construct a more personal order
of knowledge and power between children and adults.
John Ruffing has recently shown some of the ways Anglo-Saxon materials
can subtly (and not-so-subtly) reinforce social
hierarchies (68); The Dark is Rising presents a number of
supernaturally reinforced hierarchies as natural, part
of the "Law." This Law, enforced by the irresistible power of the "High
Magic," is constructed as non-partisan, on the
side of neither Dark nor Light (Grey 90-91). But in the
end--as a result of the Light correctly fulfilling
a complicated prophesy--it works to effect the ends of the Light and to
preserve a hierarchy in which Old Ones receive
eternal life and great power merely on account of their births while
"it is better so" that humans lose even their
memories of their actions in the great struggle (Silver 262). The
notion that the Light knows, always
knows, what "is better so" about the actions of humans, particularly
children, constructs the great Lords of the
Light--Merriman and Lady and to a lesser extent, Will--as figures in
loco parentis. Or, more accurately, the
Lords take an avuncular position to the children; as Gwyneth Evans notes,
"for the child protagonists [Merriman] is the
ideal sort of adult: his authority is not that of a parent or a teacher,
but they are able to admire and follow his
direction wholeheartedly" (22). I disagree with Evans' contention that
Merriman is not a teacher, but I think her
reading of him as "the ideal sort of adult" is correct. Merriman is
always right and always looks out for the best
interests of the children, yet he never disciplines them. If the children
disobey, the Dark attacks, leaving the
children to be saved by Merriman. In the universe of The Dark is
Rising, knowledge not only equals power, it
legitimates it. Merriman, for example, seems to possess all necessary
knowledge, which allows him to exercise power by
means of secret spells. Because Merriman is completely
[End Page 243]
on the side
of the good, he is thus constructed as fully
deserving the power that goes with his knowledge. This order of power
and knowledge reifies existing power relations
between adults and children.
18
Rebellion is not considered
in Cooper's world
19
not because adults
possess complete power to stop it, but because in a world where the
"good" adults are always right, it is unthinkable
to disobey them.
Critics have disliked this aspect of Cooper's fiction, though they have
interpreted it in different ways. Plante, for
example, finds that Cooper's ideas of fate and predetermined destiny
"[break] down the effectiveness of character and
theme, keeping the work from being everything it could" (40). Kuznets
finds Cooper's treatment of adolescent
development in the series fatally weakened by a too close focus on
heredity (27) and wonders how works composed during
an "era of turmoil" in the United States "reflect only obliquely and
perhaps simplistically America's own agonized
crisis of identity" (27, 33). Both critics are reacting to, I believe,
a constructed order of power and knowledge which
is profoundly conservative, an order in which characters reach their
potentials and accomplish their destinies not by
growing into them but by accepting the need to obey the properly
constituted authorities. This order of power and
knowledge in The Dark is Rising arises directly from the
Anglo-Saxon source materials, or, more accurately, the
ways these have been previously appropriated. As Cooper's invocation of
King Alfred shows, a position at the top of the
social hierarchy is both earned by birth and legitimated by the possession
of knowledge and the power to disseminate
learning. Good subjects learn what the king wants them to learn; good
children, those on the side of the Light, are
good because they absorb passively the traditional culture passed to
them from authoritative adults (Will's learning,
his "Gift of Gramarye" is the ultimate expression of this passive
learning). As Plante notes, "the characters in The
Dark is Rising choose sides, but the rest of their choices have
already been made for them by the various spells
and prophecies; therefore they have no free will at all." Most of their
behavior seems to be "ritualistic" (40).
Plante's mention of ritual points out the key virtue of the children in
The Dark is Rising: obedience. The
children (both supernatural and mundane) follow directions they have
been given, successfully completing rituals of
power so as to produce desired magical results. They are rewarded because
they have done everything in accordance with
the Law. Bravery, resolve, self-control, and kindness are all ancillary
to obedience. Not that Cooper thinks these
other virtues unimportant, but they are all put into the service of
obedience to those with knowledge (and thus power).
[End Page 244]
This order of knowledge and power (traditional as it is) is isomorphic
to the political order constructed by Cooper's
Anglo-Saxon source materials and their appropriations. Children are to
obey benign adults just as the rest of the world
(former British colonies) are to report to the highly moral, educated
and, most importantly, powerful rulers based in
England. Both regimes of knowledge and power reinforce each other, and
they replicate the relationships of knowledge,
both and obedience that are found in the Anglo-Saxon texts. Thus for
all of Cooper's excursions through space and time,
all of her nuanced and subtle treatment of historical and legendary
questions, all the richness of her source material,
and all her obvious political preferences to the contrary, her sources
end up re-inscribing their ideology on her
fantasy universe. It is no wonder, therefore, that The Dark is Rising
is not only popular with children, but
with the adults who work to shape them through fiction. Cooper's work
ends up reinforcing the ideologies of English and
parental superiority traditional in many of her readers. "Good" children,
the sort who read complex "high fantasy" at
the ages of nine and ten, the sort who choose the side of the Light,
like to be reminded that they will be rewarded for
their obedience. For centuries adults have worked very hard to encourage
them in this belief.
Michael D. C. Drout has just completed his doctorate in English at
Loyola University Chicago and this fall will join
the faculty as assistant professor of English at Wheaton College, Norton,
Massachusetts.
Notes
1.
I am grateful to Allen J. Frantzen for allowing me to read
his preface and Velma Bourgeois Richmond's
essay before their publication and for his assistance with this
article. Mary Dockray-Miller's many useful suggestions
and her criticism of early drafts of this essay were invaluable.
2.
Critically acclaimed at the time of its publication (the
second novel was a Newbery Honor book and the
fourth won the award outright) and still quite popular among children
and their librarians, The Dark is Rising
has generated relatively little serious criticism. Only two scholarly
articles published in the mid-1980s focus solely
on the series; and while Cooper's work is also a topic in one dissertation
and six additional essays, in these she must
share the stage with other fantasy writers, among them Ursula LeGuin,
Lloyd Alexander, J. C. Powys, and Alan Garner.
3.
The Times Literary Supplement's anonymous reviewer
noted the parallel (though no subsequent critic
has mentioned it); he or she mentions "an emended inscription from the
Alfred Jewel" as part of Cooper's
"mind-boggling" assortment of source material ("Imaginary" 685).
4.
Compare, for example, John Bellairs' Old English quotation
in The Lamp from the Warlock's Tomb,
which is an ungrammatical translation from Modern English (92).
5.
The identification of the Jewel as part of an "æstel"
appears on the Jewel's display case in the
Ashmolean Museum.
6.
These invaders are described as "red-haired," as are three
other villains in the sequence: the Black Rider
in The Dark is Rising and Silver on the Tree, Caradog
Pritchard in The Grey King, and Caradog
Lewis in Silver on the Tree. According to Jill Mann, in Chaucer's
time "the redhead is a widespread figure of
deceit and treachery" (160-62). Cooper's redheaded villains may be
another example of the influence of medieval
conventions on the author.
7.
Cooper places Arthur at the battle of (Badon Hill) Mons
Badonicus (Silver 26), as per Nennius in
the Historia Brittonum (35-36). In his Ecclesiastical
History, the Venerable Bede, an earlier
Anglo-Saxon source for the Welsh Nennius, states that the victor at
Badon Hill was one Ambrosius Aurelianus, sole
survivor of the Roman royalty in Britain and the leader of Britons in
their last successful battle against Saxon
invaders at Badon Hill in 493 (64). Geoffrey of Monmouth greatly expands
upon Nennius' Bede's histories in his
History of the Kings of Britain, which was the primary source
for Mallory and subsequent Arthurian fiction. In
her unpublished dissertation of 1984, Patricia Trautmann does not mention
Bede as a source for Nennius' Historia
Brittonum or the Arthur legend (18), although Nennius probably knew
the Ecclesiastical History and does
mention Bede's death. Author Mary Stewart has developed and rationalized
the fragmentary historical background from
Nennius, Bede, and Geoffrey of Monmouth in her novels The Crystal
Cave (1970), The Hollow Hills (1973),
The Last Enchantment (1979), and The Wicked Day
(1984). Stewart's reconstructions are used as
foundational--even historical--materials by many subsequent writers of
Arthurian fiction and may have influenced
Cooper's retelling of the Arthur myth.
8.
In a process analogous to that of the Victorian appropriation
of King Alfred, the construction of Owain
Glyndwr as a Welsh national hero is a seventeenth-century appropriation
of medieval historical materials (Morgan
81-82) that Cooper borrows uncritically. This uncritical acceptance
of past appropriations is, however, justified
by the modern construction of Glyndwr. Bran's naming him "the greatest
Welshman of all" (Silver 218) is
reasonable given the boy's twentieth-century Welsh schooling.
9.
A notion, sadly, more conventional in 1977 than today.
10.
Cooper's use of deictic markers situates the reader as
English. The Old Ones are "as old as this
land" (Dark 32, my emphasis).
11.
My thanks to Heather Barkley and Carl F. Hostetter for
their assistance with these sources.
12.
Cooper credits "an anonymous Old English author" among
others on her copyright page, but she does not
specify which phrases go with which authors. I am grateful to a number
of contributors to the ANSAX-NET electronic
discussion group for help in matching authors to sources. My special
thanks to Heather Barkley, Jim Earl, Roger Fowler,
David Gravender, Dorothy Haines, David Hoover, Carl F. Hostetter, Ted
Irving, Shirley Laird, and Will Sayers.
13.
The question is "what is the shore that fears the sea?" The
answer is "the beech tree."
14.
Specific education from the Book of Gramarye is
useful to Will in the Lost Land. He tells Gwion,
"They taught me my trees once, a long while ago" (Silver 185).
15.
For instance, Albert Stanburrough Cook, Professor of
English at Yale, President of the MLA, and the
single most influential American Anglo-Saxonist of the early twentieth
century, significantly shaped the formation of
general literary study in U.S. universities. Among his 300 published
works are papers on Shakespeare and Tennyson (L.
Cooper 498-501), both sources for Susan Cooper.
16.
Serious scholars of Anglo-Saxon literature and history
often point out that there is no proven connection
between the Sutton Hoo finds and the descriptions in Beowulf. Such
a connection has, however, become traditional
in discussions about Beowulf. The display of Sutton Hoo treasures
in the British Museum, for instance, clearly
suggests some direct relationship between the objects and the
poem. Similar links are assumed in the reconstructed
Anglo-Saxon village at West Stowe, Suffolk.
17.
There is significant scholarly debate, based upon manuscript
evidence, as to whether or not "Beow" is in
fact an individual named "Beowulf" different from the hero of the
poem. For a summary and discussion of the debate see
James Earl's Thinking About Beowulf 22-26. In addition,
scholars differ on the relevance of the names in
Alfred's genealogy to Beowulf; some believe the presence of
similar names to be mere coincidence and unrelated
to the poem.
18.
In the Lost Land Gwion tells Will and Bran: "When you are
asked questions in this land it is not for our
want of the answers" (Silver 135), a clear demonstration of the
relationship between power and knowledge in
Cooper's world. Gwion possesses both power and knowledge. In Foucaultian
terms, his power comes from his ability to
compel answers (197-204).
19.
The lack of rebellion in novels aimed, if Emrys Evans is
correct, at readers ages eight to eleven (96) is
worthy of additional study. I first read Cooper in 1977, when I was nine.
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